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WINNEBAGO . Siouan. 1070 in Nebraska; t285 in Wiscon- able. Citizens of U.S., making good pro- Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita \VvoNDot. Iroquoian. sin. Considerable. gress. Catholic and Protestant (Washington, 19o4) and other writ- 1 A>;nt i. Sahaptian. 385 in Oklahoma; r at Anderdon, No pure-bloodsleft, missions. togs. Y'et.~ utvKNIvES. Athabaskan. Ontario, Canada. hardly a half- Many good citizens of U.S. and pro- Thwaites, Coll. Stale His!. Soc. Wis- Y USIA. Yuman. About 15oo in Washington. blood. gressing. Suffering from liquor cousin, 1892; Fletcher, fount. Amer. 'Lank Zunian. About Soo N.E. of Great Slave Lake Considerable. and the mescal bean to some ex- Folk-Lore, 189o; McGee, 75th Ann. in N.W. Canada. Not much. tent. Rep. Bur. Ethnnl., 1893-1894. 807 at Fort Yuma Agency, California, Some S p an i sh More white than Indian. Powell, 1st Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., and a few at San Carlos, Arizona. (Mexican) blood. Late reports indicate bad influence 1879-188o; Connelley, Ann. Arch. See Pueblos. Zuflian. of whnes. Rep. Ontario, 1905, and Wyandot No practical advance as yet. Folk-Lore (Topeka, 7899); Merwin, Progress good. Catholic and Pro- Trans. Kansas State Hirt. Soc., testant missions. 1906. See Pueblos. Pandosy, Grams,, and Did. of Yakima (7862); Lewis, Mem. Amer. Anlhrop. Assoc., 1906. Writings of I'etitot, Morice, &c. Peti- tot, Amour du Grand Lac des Es- chives (7891), and Monographic des Dene-Dindjie (1876). See Carriers, Chipewyan. Gatschet, Ztschr. i. Ethnolsgie (1893); 'I-rippell, Overland Monthly, 1889; Dorsey, Indians of the Soulh-west (19o3). See Mission Indians. See Pueblos (Zunian). From the tables it will be seen that the American Indians in some parts of North America are not decreasing, but either holding their own or even increasing; also that Popula- tion, &G. thousands of them are now to all intents and purposes the equals in wealth, thrift, industry and intelligence of the average white man and citizens with him in the same society. In certain regions of the continent small tribes have been annihilated in the course of wars with other Indians or with the whites, and others have been decimated by disease, famine, &c.; and over large areas the aboriginal population, according to some authorities, has vastly diminished. Thus Morice estimates that the Athabaskan population at present in Canada (about 20.000) is less than one-seventh of what it was a century or more ago; Hill-Tout thinks the Salishan tribes (c. 15,000) number not one-fifth of their population a hundred years ago, and equally great reductions are claimed for some other peoples of the North Pacific region; Kroeber thinks probable an Indian population in California of 150,000 before the arrival of the whites, as compared with but 15,000 now; by some the arid regions of the south-west are supposed to have sustained a very large population in earlier times; certain of the Plains tribes are known to have lost much in population since contact with the whites. But under better care and more favourable conditions generally some tribes seem to be taking on a new lease of life and are apparently beginning to thrive again. A considerable portion of the " disappearance " of the Indian is through amalgamation with the whites. Undoubtedly, in some parts of the country, exaggerated ideas prevalent in the early colonial period as to the numbers of the native population have interfered with a correct estimate of the aborigines past and present. Mooney thinks that the Cherokee " are probably about as numerous now as at any period in their history " (Nndh. tiler. Inds., 1907, pt. i. P. 247), and this is perhaps true also of some other tribes east of the Mississippi. Major J. \V. Powell was of opinion that the Indian population north of Mexico is as large to-day as it was at the time of the discovery. This, however, is not the view of the majority of authorities. The total number of Indians in Canada (Ann. Rep. Dept. Ind. Alf., 1907) for 1907 is given as 110,345, as compared with 109,394 for the previous year, not including the Micmac in Newfoundland and the Indians and Eskimo in that part of Labrador belonging to Newfoundland. In 1903 the figures were 108,233. The gain may be largely due to more careful enumeration of Indians in the less well-known parts of the country, but there is evidently no marked decrease going on, but rather a slight increase in Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, &c. In the United States (exclusive of Alaska, which counts about 30,000) the Indian population (Ann. Rep. Ind. Aff., 195-6) is estimated at 197,289, no including the " Five Civilized Tribes," of whose numbers (94,292) some 65,000 can be reckoned as Indiansa total of 382,000. The figures of 197,289, according to the report, show an increase in population " due mainly to increase in number of Indians reported from California." The financial condition of the Indians of the Dominion of Canada for the year ending March 31, 1907, is indicated in the following table: Total Amount Total Income of Real and for the Personal Year. Property. Ontario . $7,566,125 $1,426,690 Quebec 1,781,330 915,783 N. Brunswick . 189,701 109,892 N. Scotia . . 151,949 76,603 P. E. I. . . . 6,370 15,374 Manitoba 2,102,044 348,966 B. Columbia 7,475,719 1,501,456 Sask . . . 7,721,532 548,533 Alberta . . . 5,154,789 211,839 Total $30,129,659 $5,155,052 The total amounts earned during the year were: from agriculture, $1,337,948; wages and miscellaneous industries, $714,125; fishing, $544,487; hunting and trapping, $630,633. Of these hunting and trapping show a decided decrease over 1906. The Indian Trust Fund amounts to $5,157,566.59. The total appropriation in connexion with the Indians of the Dominion for all purposes for the year 19061907 was $1,o55,oto and the actual expenditure some $114,000 less. The total amount of sales of lands for the benefit of Indian tribes was $422,086.13. The balance to the credit of the Itndian savings account for the funding of the annuities and earnings of pupils at industrial schools, together with collections from Indians for purchase of cattle and for ranching expenses, was $51,708.92. According to the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs the total amount of trust funds held by the United States government for the Indians, in lieu of investment, amounted to $36,352,950.97, yielding for 1906 interest at 4 and 5% of $1,788,237.23. The total incomes of the various tribes from all sources for the year ending June 30, 1906, was $6,557,554.39, including interest on trust funds, treaty agreement and obligations, gratuities, Indian money, proceeds of labour, &c. While the general constitution of the American aborigines north of Mexico is such as to justify their designation as one " American race," whose nearest congener is to be found in the " Mongolian race " of eastern Asia, &c., there is a wide range in variation within the American tribes with respect to particular physical characteristics. Some authorities, Phkal like Dr Hrdlicka (Handb. Amer. Inds. N. of Mex., istics. 1907, pt. i. p. 53), separate the Eskimo from the " Indians," regarding them as " a distinct sub-race of the Mongolo-Malay," but this is hardly necessary if, with Boas (Ann. Archaeol. Rep. Ontario, 19o5, p. 85), we " consider the inhabitants of north-eastern Asia and of America as a unit divided into a great many distinct types but belonging to one and the same of the large divisions of mankind." Upon the basis of differences in stature and general bodily conformation, colour of skin, texture and form of hair, shape of nose, face and head, &c., some twenty-one different physical " types " north of Mexico have been recognized. Although the variation in stature, from the short people of Harrison Lake (average 1611 mm.) to the tall Sioux (average 1726 mm.), Eastern Chippewa (average 1723 mm.), Iroquois (average 1727 mm.), Omaha and Winnebago (average 1733 mm.) and other tribes of the Plains and the regions farther east, is considerable, the North American Indian, on the whole, may be termed a tall race. The stature of women averages among the tall tribes about 92%, and among the short tribes about 94% of that of the men. The proportion of statures (adult males) above 1730 mm. in certain Indian tribes (Boas) is as follows: Apache and Navaho, 25'3; Arapaho, 45.9; Arikara, 15.2; British Columbia (coast), 28.8; British Columbia (interior), 16.4; California (south), 32'7; Cherokee (eastern), 21o; Cherokee (western), 4o7; Cheyenne, 72.2; Chickasaw, 23.8; Chinook, 36.2; Choctaw, 32.6; Coahuila, 14.2; Comanche, 27.1; Cree, 33.4; Creek, 53.6; Crow, 51.3; Delaware, 41.1; Eskimo (Alaska), 5.9; Eskimo (Labrador), oo; Flathead, 18.9; Harrison Lake, B.C., to; Hupa, 18.7; Iroquois, 52.1; Kiowa, 41.3; Klamath, 20.0; Kootenay, 26o; Micmac and Abnaki, 45.7; Ojibwa (eastern), 42.7; Ojibwa (western), 42.7; Omaha and Winnebago, 54.9; Oregon (south), 5.1; Ottawa and Menominee, 30.6; Paiute, 22'1; Pawnee, 39.0; Puget Sound and Makah, 6.5; Round Valley, Cal., 3.3; Sahaptin, 28.2; Shuswap, 15.9; Sioux, 50.8; Taos, 18.5; Ute, 12.4; Zuni and Moqui, 1.9. Very notable is the percentage of tall statures among the Cheyenne, Creek, Crow, Iroquois, &c. The form of the head (skull) varies considerably among the Indian tribes north of Mexico, running from the dolichocephalic eastern Eskimo with a cephalic index of 71.3 on the skull to the brachycephalic Aleuts with 84.8. Several tribes practising deformation of the skull (mound-builders, Klamath, &c.) show much higher brachycephaly. The percentage of cephalic indices above 84 (on the heads of living individuals) among certain Indian tribes (Boas) is as follows: Apache, 87.6; Arapaho, 5.0; Arikara, 24.6; Blackfeet, 6.2; Caddo, 47.2; Cherokee, 2oo; Cheyenne, 10.4; Chickasaw, 14.4; Comanche, 65.3; Cree, 4.9; Creek, 25o; Crow, 12.0; Delaware 12.0; Eskimo, (Alaska), io6; Harrison Lake, B.C., 88.8; Iroquois, 15.4; Kiowa, 25.0; Kootenay, 19.1; Mandan, 4.5; Micmac and Abnaki, 7.0; Mohave, 86.5; Montagnais, 21.7; Moqui, 54.3; Navaho, 49'4; Ojibwa (eastern), 26.6; Ojibwa (western), 10.2; Omaha, 23.0; Oregon (south), 50.9; Osage, 79.1; Ottawa and Menominee, 24.7; Pawnee, 4.8; Pima, 9.6; Round Valley, Cal., 4.8; Sahaptin, 57.4; Shuswap, 59'9; Sioux, 9.6; Taos, 6.o; Ute, 8.9; Wichita, 96.o; Winnebago, 66.8; Zuni, 41.4. The Apache, Mohave, Navaho, Osage, Sahaptin, Wichita and Winnebago practised skull-deformation, which accounts in part for their high figures. The brachycephalic tendency of the Caddo, Moqui, Shuswap and Zuni is marked; the Comanche, with an average cephalic index of 84.6 and the Harrison Lake people with one of 88.8, are noteworthy in this respect. As in the case of stature, so in the case of head-form, there seems to have been much mingling of types, especially in the Huron-Algonkian region, the Great Plains and the North Pacific coast. The North American Indian may be described in general as brown-skinned (of various shades, with reddish tinge, some-times dark and chocolate or almost black in colour) with black hair and eyes varying from hazel brown to dark brown. Under good conditions of food, &c., the Indian tends to be tall and mesocephalic as to head-form, and well-proportioned and symmetrical in body. The ideal Indian type can be met with among the youth of several different tribes (Plains Indians, Algonkians, Iroquoians, Muskogians and some of the tribes of the south-western United States). Beauty among the aborigines of America north of Mexico has been the subjectof brief studies by Dr R. W. Shufeldt and Dr A. Hrdlicka (Boas Anniv. Vol., New York, 1996, pp. 38-42). The extent to which the red and white races have mixed their blood in various parts of North America is greater than is generally thought. The Eskimo of Greenland have intermarried with the Danes, and their kinsmen of Labrador with the English settlers and "summerers." The eastern Algonkian Indians in New England and Acadia have now considerable French, English and Scottish blood. Many of the Canadian Iroquois are more than half French, many of the Iroquois of New York half English. The Cherokee, an Iroquoian people of the Carolinas, have some admixture of Scottish and German blood, to which Mooney would attribute some, at least, of their remarkable progress. In the state of Oklahoma, which has absorbed the old " Indian Territory," the results of race-amalgamation are apparent in the large number of mixed bloods of all shades. In spite of the romance of Pocahontas, the intermarriages of the two races in the Virginian region seem not to have been very common or very important. Nor does there appear to have been much inter-marriage between Spaniards and Indians in the south Atlantic region, though in Texas, &c., there was a good deal. In New France, in spite of the efforts of some recent Canadian-French writers to minimize the fact, intermixture between whites. and Indians began early and continued to be extensive. In parts of New Brunswick, Quebec, Ontario, some of the northern American states and regions of the Canadian north-west, there are Indian villages and white settlements where hardly a single individual of absolutely pure blood can now be found. In the veins of some of the " Iroquois " of Caughnawaga and New York state to-day flows blood of the best colonial stock (Rice, Hill, Williams, Stacey, &c., captives adopted and married within the tribe). In the great Canadian north-west, and to a large extent also in the tier'of American states to the south, the blood of the Indian, through the mingling of French, Scottish and English traders, trappers, employees of the great fur companies, pioneer settlers, &c., has entered largely and significantly into the life of the nation, the half-breed element playing a most important role in social, commercial and industrial development. In 1879, besides those whose mixed blood had not been remembered and those who wished to forget it, there were, according to Dr Havard (Rep. Smiths. Inst., 1879), at least 22,000 metis in the United States and 18,000 in Canada (i.e. in the north-west in each case). When the province of Manitoba entered the Canadian Confederation it numbered within the borders some 1o,000 mixed-bloods, one of whom, John Norquay, afterwards became its premier. In the Columbia river region and British Columbia some intermixture has taken place, originating in the conditions due to the establishment of trading-posts, the circumstances of the early settlement of the country, &c.this has been both French and English and Scottish. Farther north in Alaska the Russian occupation led to not a little inter-mixture, both with the Aleuts, &c., and the coast Indians. In some parts of the far north intermixture of the whites with the Athabaskans is just beginning. In Canada no prohibition of marriage between whites and Indians exists, but such unions are forbidden by law in the states of Arizona, Oregon, North Carolina and South Carolina. A considerable number of the chiefs and able men of the various Indian tribes of certain regions in recent times have had more or less white bloodIroquois, Algonkian, Siouan, &c.who have sometimes worked with and sometimes against the whites. In thg case of some tribes there have been " pure blood " and " mixed blood " factions. Some tribes have frowned upon miscegenation; even the Pueblos (except Laguna, which is Keresan) have never intermarried with the whites. Both in Canada and the United States strains of Indian blood run in the veins of prominent families. Some of the " first families of Virginia " are proud to descend from Pocahontas, the Algonkian " Princess," who married the Englishman Rolfe. In Maine may still be discovered perhaps those whose line of life goes back to the Baron de St Casteins and his Abnaki bride, while in Ontario and New York are to be met those who trace their ancestry back to the famous Iroquois Joseph Brant and his half-English wife. In the early history of Pennsylvania and Ohio were noted the Montours, descendants of a French nobleman who about Race mixture. 1665 had a son and two daughters by a Huron woman in Canada. In 1817 Captain John S. Pierce, U.S.A., brother of President Franklin Pierce, married the fair Josette la Framboise, who had at least a quarter Indian (Ottawa) blood. In the latter part of the 18th century a young Irish gentleman married Neengai, daughter of the Michigan Ojibwa chief Waubojeeg, and of the daughters born to them one married a Canadian Frenchman of reputation in the early development of the province of Ontario, another the Rev. Mr McMurray, afterwards Episcopal archdeacon of Niagara, and a third Henry R. Schoolcraft, the ethnologist. Several Indians, some full-blood, others with more or less white blood in their veins, have rendered signal service to ethnological science. These deserve special mention: Francis la Flesche, an Omaha, a graduate of the National University Law School, D.C., holding a position in the Office of Indian Affairs; Dr William Jones, a Sac and Fox, in the service of the Field Museum, Chicago, a graduate of Harvard and of Columbia (Ph.D.); and J. N. B. Hewitt, a Tuscarora, ethnologist in the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D.C. In some regions considerable intermixture between negroes and Indians (Science, New York, vol. xvii., 1891, pp. 85-9o) has occurred, e.g. among the Mashpee and Gay Head Indians of Massachusetts, the remnants of the Pequots in Connecticut, the Shinnecocks and the Montauks, &c., of Long Island the Pamunkeys, Mattaponies and some other small Virginian and Carolinian tribes. In earlier times some admixture of negro blood took place among the Seminoles, although now the remnants of that people still in Florida are much averse to miscegenation. Of the tribes of the Muskogian stock who kept large numbers of negro slaves the Creeks are said to have about one-third of their number of mixed Indian-negro blood. Sporadic intermixture of this sort is reported from the Shawnee, the Minnesota Chippewa, the Canadian Tuscarora, the Caddo, &c., in the case of the last the admixture may be considerable. It is also thought probable that many of the negroes of the whole lower Atlantic coast and Gulf region may have strains of Indian blood. The mythology and folk-lore of the negroes of this region may have borrowed not a little from the Indian, for as Mooney notes (15th Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1900, pp. 232-234), " in all the southern colonies Indian slaves were bought and sold and kept in servitude and worked in the fields side by side with negroes up to the time of the Revolution." When Dr John R. Swanton visited the Haida recently the richest man among the Skidegate tribe was a negro. Some of the Plains tribes and some Indians of the far west, however, have taken a dislike to the negro. The leader in the " Boston Massacre " of March 5, 1770, was Crispus Attucks, of Framingham, Mass., the son of a negro father and a Natick Indian mother. The physical anthropology of the white-Indian half-blood has been studied by Dr Franz Boas (Pop. Sci. Monthly, New York, 1894). The culture, arts and industries of the American aborigines exhibit marked correspondence to and dependence upon environ-Culture, ment, varying with the natural conditions of land arts, tn and water, wealth or poverty of the soil, abundance dustries, or scarcity of plant and animal life subsidiary to human etc. existence, &c. Professor O. T. Mason (Handb. of Amer. Inds. N. of Mexico, 1907, pt. i. pp. 427-430; also Rep. Smiths. Inst., 1895, and Pop. Sci. Monthly, 1902) recognizes north of Mexico twelve " ethnic environments," in each of which there is " an ensemble of qualities that impressed themselves on their inhabitants and differentiated them." These twelve " ethnic environments " are: (I) Arctic (Eskimo); (2) Yukon-Mackenzie (practically Athabaskan); (3) Great Lakes and St Lawrence (Algonkian-Iroquoian); (4) Atlantic Slope (Algonkian, Iroquoian, Siouan, &c.); (5) Gulf Coast, embracing region from Georgia to Texas (Muskogian and a number of smaller stocks); (6) Mississippi Valley (largely Algonkian and " mound-builders"); (7) Plains, including the country from the neighbourhood of the Rio Grande to beyond the Saskatchewan on the north, and from the Rocky Mountains to the fertile lands west of the Mississippi (Algonkian, Siouan, Shoshonian, Kiowan, Caddoan); (8) North Pacific Coast, from Mount St Elias to the mouth of the Columbia river (Koluschan, Haidan, Tsimshian, Wakashan, Salishan); (9) Columbia-Fraser region (Salishan, Sahaptian, Chinookan, &c.); (to) Interior Basin between Rocky Mountains and Sierras (Shoshonian) ; (II) California-Oregon (" the Caucasus of North America," occupied by more than twenty-five linguistic stocks); (12) Pueblos region, basin of Rio Grande, Pecos, San Juan and Colorado (Pueblos-Keresan, Tanoan, Zunian, &c.; on the outskirts predatory Shoshonian, Athabaskan tribes; to the south-west, Yuman, &c.). In the Arctic environment the Eskimo have conquered a severeand thankless climate by the invention and perfection of the snow-house, the dog-sled, the oil-lamp (creating and sustaining social life and making extensive migrations possible), the harpoon and the kayak or skin-boat (the acme of adaptation of individual skill to environmental demands). In the region of the Mackenzie especially the older and simpler culture of the Athabaskan stock has been much influenced by the European " civilization " of the Hudson's Bay Company, &c., and elsewhere also by contact with Indian tribes of other stocks, for the Athabaskans everywhere have shown them-selves very receptive and ready to adopt foreign elements of culture. The culture-type of the North Pacific coast, besides being unique in some respects, stands in certain relations to the culture of the Palaeo-Asiatic tribes of north-eastern Asia who belong properly with the American race. The culture of the Great Plains, which has been studied by Drs Wissler (Congr. intern. d. Amer., Quebec, 1906, vol. ii. pp. 39-52) and Kroeber (ibid. pp. 53-63), is marked by the presence of a decided uniformity in spite of the existence within this area of several physical types and a number of distinct linguistic stocks. Here the tipi and the camp-circle figure largely in material culture; innumerable ceremonies and religious practices (e.g. the " sun-dance ") occur and many societies and ceremonial organizations exist. The buffalo and later the horse have profoundly influenced the culture of this area, in which Athabaskan (Sarcee), Kitunahan, Algonkian, Siouan, Shoshonian, Kiowan tribes have shared. In some respects the Plains culture is quite recent and the result of " giving and taking " among the various peoples concerned. Some of them merely abandoned an earlier more sedentary life to hunt the buffalo on the great prairies. The culture of the Mississippi valley region (including the Ohio, &c.) is noteworthy in pre-Columbian and immediately post-Columbian times for the development of " mound-building," with apparently sedentary life to a large extent. In this Algonkian, Iroquoian and Siouan tribes have participated. In the regidn of the Great Lakes and on the Atlantic slope occurred the greatest development of the Algonkian and Iroquoian stocks, particularly in social and political activities, expressed both generally, as in the leagues and alliances (especially the famous " Iroquois League "), and individually in the appearance of great men like Hiawatha, Tecumseh, &c. The Gulf region is remarkable for the development in the southern United States of the Muskogian stock (Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, &c.), to which belonged the " civilized tribes " now part of the state of Oklahoma. In this area also, toward the west, are to be met religious ideas and institutions (e.g. among the Natchez) suggestive of an early participation in or connexion with the beginnings of a culture common to the Pueblos tribes and perhaps also to the ancestors of the civilized peoples of ancient Mexico. In some other respects the culture of this area is note-worthy. In the east also there are evidences of the influence of Arawakan culture from the West Indies. The Pueblos region has been the scene of the development of sedentary " village " life on the largest scale known in North America north of Mexico, and of arts, industries and religious ideas (rain-cult especially) corresponding, as Professor J. W. Fewkes (Rep. Smiths. Inst., 1895, pp. 683-700) has shown, most remarkably to their environment. The arid interior basin is the characteristic area of the great Shoshonian stock, here seen at its lowest level, but advancing with the Piman and other Sonoran and Nahuatlan tribes till in ancient Mexico it attained the civilization of the Aztecs. The California-Oregon area is remarkable for the multiplicity of its linguistic stocks and also for the development of many local culture-types. Within the limits of California alone Dr Kroeber (Univ. of Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. and Ethnol. vol. ii., 1904, pp. 81-103) distinguishes at least four types of native culture. On account of climatic conditions, in part at least, the development of agriculture in North America has not reached with many Indian tribes a high state of development, although its diffusion is much greater than is generally believed. In the south-eastern part of the United States beans, squashes, pumpkins and some other gourds and melons, potatoes, Indian corn, tobacco, a variety of the sunflower, &c., were cultivated, the growing of beans, squashes and pumpkins extending as far north as Massachusetts and the Iroquois country, in which latter also tobacco was cultivated, as the tribal name (" Tobacco Nation ") of the Tionontati indicates. The cultivation of Indian corn extended from Florida to beyond 50 N. and from the Atlantic to far beyond the Mississippi, and, to judge from the varieties found in existence, must have been known to the Indians for a very long period. In the arid region of Arizona and New Mexico a special development of agriculture occurred, made possible by the extensive use of irrigation in pre-Columbian and in more recent times. Here Indian corn, melons, beans, cotton, &c., were cultivated before the arrival of the Spaniards. For religious purposes the Zuni appear to have selectively produced a great variety of colours in the ears of corn. Where women had much to do with agricultural operations they greatly influenced society and religious and mythological ideas. Hunting and fishing, as might be expected in an extensive and varied environment like the North American continent, exhibit a great range from simple individual hand-capture to combined efforts with traps and nets, such as the communal nets of the Eskimo, the buffalo and deer " drives " of the Plains and other Indians, with which were often associated brush-fences, corrals, " pounds," pitfalls, &c., advantage taken of a natural cul-de-sac, &c. A great variety of traps, snares, &c., was used (see Mason in Amer. Anthrop., 1899) and the dog was also of great service with certain tribes, although no special variety of hunting-dogs (except in a few cases) appears to have been developed. The accessory implements for the chase (spear, bow and arrow, harpoon, club, &c.) underwent great variation and specialization. The throwing-stick appears in the north among the Eskimo and in the south-west among the Pueblos. In the Muskogian area the blow-gun is found, and its use extended also to some of the Iroquoian tribes (Cherokee, &c.). In part of this area vegetable poisons were used to capture fish. In the New England region torch-fishing at night was in vogue. With the tribes of the Great Plains in particular the hunt developed into a great social event, and often into a more or less marked ceremonial or religious institution, with its own appropriate preliminary and subsequential rites, songs, formulae, taboos and fetishes, &c., as seen e.g. among certain tribes of the Caddoan stock in very interesting fashion. The art of transportation and navigation among the American aborigines north of Mexico has received special treatment from Mason (Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus., 1894) and Friederici, in his recent monograph Die Schiffahrt der Indiana. (Stuttgart, 1907). On land some of the Indian tribes made use of the dog-sled and the toboggan in winter, while the dog-travois was early met with in the region of the Great Plains. The Eskimo made special use of the dog-sled, but never developed snow-shoes to the same extent as did the Athabaskan and Algonkian tribes; with the last and with the Iroquoian tribes came the perfection of the skin-shoe or moccasin. In the south and south-west appear sandals. In North America the cradle, as pointed out by Professor Mason (Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus., 1894), has undergone great variation in response to environmental suggestion. No wheeled vehicle and no use of an animal other than the dog for means of transportation is known among the aborigines north of Mexico, men, women and children, women especially, having been the chief burden-bearers. Among the types of boats in use are the seal-skin kayak and umiak (woman's boat) of the Eskimo; the bull-boat or coracle (raw-hide over willow frame) of the Missouri and the buffalo-region; the dug-out of various forms and degrees of ornamentation in divers regions from Florida to the North Pacific coast; bark-canoes (birch, elm, pine, &c.) in the Algonkian, Iroquoian and Athabaskan areas, reaching a high development in the region of the Great Lakes; the peculiar bark-canoe of the Beothuks in the form of two half ellipses; the bark-canoe of the Kootenay (a similar type occurs on the Amur in north-eastern Asia), noteworthy as having both ends pointed under water; the plank-canoes of the Santa Barbara region; the basketry-boats (coritas) of the lower Colorado and in south central California; the balsas of tule rushes, &c., in use on the lakes and streams of California and Nevada. In various parts of the country log-rafts of a more or less crude sort were in use. No regular sail is reported from North America, although from time to time skins, blankets, &c., were used by several tribes for such purposes. Since the appearance of Morgan's monograph on the Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines (Washington, 1881) our knowledge of the subject has been materially increased by the studies and researches of Boas, Fewkes, Mindeleff, Dorsey, Matthews, Murdoch, Willoughby and others. The dwellings in use among the aborigines north of Mexico varied from the rude brush huts of the primitive Shoshonian tribes, and the still earlier caves, to the communal dwellings of the Iroquois and the Pueblos stocks of New Mexico and Arizona. The principal types are as follows: Crude brush shelters and huts of the lowest Shoshonian tribes, the Apache (more elaborate), &c.; the hogan or earth-lodge of the Navaho, and the earth-lodges of certain Caddoan and Siouan tribes farther north, with similar structures even among the Aleuts of Alaska; the grass-lodge of the Caddoan tribes, still in use among the Wichita; the semi-subterranean earth-covered lodges of parts of California, &c.; the roofed pits of various styles in use in the colder north, &c.; the Eskimo snow-house and wooden karmak; the elaborately carved and painted wooden houses of Pacific coast region (Tlingit, Haida, Nootka, &c.), some of which were originally built on platforms and entered by log-ladders; the simple wooden house of northern California; the dome -shaped bark wigwams of the Winnebago and the conical ones of many of the Algonkian tribes; the skin tents or tipis of many of the Plains peoples; the mat tents of the Nez Perce, Kootenay, &c., and the mat houses of the South Atlantic region; the circular wigwam of bark or mats banked up at the base, of the Ohio-Mississippi valley; the palmetto-house of certain Louisiana Indians; the pile-dwellings of the ancient Floridians. Communal houses of divers types were found among the Mohegans, Iroquois, &c., but are especially illustrated by the so-called pueblos of the south-western United States, out of which grew probably the elaborate structures of ancient Mexico. Some tribes appear to have had simple and ruder summer dwellings and more elaborate or better constructed winter houses. The Eskimo have sometimes temporary hunting-lodges; the Comanches brush-shelters for summer and lodges of buffalo-skin for winter; with some tribes temporary dwellings were erected for the use of those cultivating the land. Many tribes had their " village-houses " for social purposes, like the kashim of the Eskimo. Special tipis orhouses for shamans, " medicine-men," &c., were common in many parts of North America. Secret societies had their own lodges and the so-called " men's-house." The houses of the North American Indians are the subject of a monograph by E. Sarfert (Arch. f. Anthr., 1908, pp. 119-215).The art of fire-making was known to all the aborigines north of Mexico, two methods being widespread, that with flint and pyrites and that by reciprocating motion of wood on wood. For the latter several varieties of apparatus were in use, the simple two-stick apparatus was very common; the Eskimo have a four-part fire-drill and the Iroquois a weighted drill with spindle whorl. The skill displayed in fire-making by some Indians is very great, and the individual parts of the apparatus have in certain regions been highly specialized. The subject of fire-making apparatus and the kindred topic of illumination have been specially treated by Dr Walter Hough (Rep. U.S. Nat. Miss., 189o, pp. 531-587; Rep. Smiths. Inst., 1901-1902). The camp-fire, the torch and the Eskimo lamp represent the employment of fire for artificial light among the aborigines. Fire and smoke were used for signalling by the Plains tribes, &c., and fire-ceremonies form an important part (" new-fire," " fire-dance ") of the ritual observances of not a few peoples, especially in the region from Florida to the Rio Grande. In metal-working there is up to the present no convincing evidence of the use of fire (heat only being employed to facilitate the cold-hammering processes by which the metals, copper, silver, gold and iron were manufactured into weapons, implements and ornaments) in metallurgy north of Mexico. The tools used were few and the processes simple, as Cushing (Amer. Anthrop., vol. vii., 1894) has proved by actual experiment. The only metal actually mined in large quantities was copper in the region of Lake Superior, whence came most of that employed in the east and south. In Alaska was a source of copper for the North Pacific coast. No special process of hardening copper other than by hammering was known to the Indians. The gold objects of most interest come from mounds in Florida and a few also from those in the Ohio valley. Galena was used to make simple ceremonial objects by the Indians of the Mississippi valley and the " mound-builders." The art of sculpture in wood, stone, bone and ivory is best re-presented by the wooden masks, utensils, house-carvings and totem-poles of the Indians of the North Pacific coast, the stone pipes, ornaments and images of various sorts of the " mound-builders " and other Indians of the Mississippi valley, the carvings of the people of the Floridian pile-dwellings, and the remarkable ivory carvings, sometimes minute, of the Eskimo. Noteworthy also are the slate-sculpture of the Haida, and the work in bone, ivory and deer and mountain goat horn of the British Columbian Indians. The Indians of the region south of the Great Lakes were expert in the manufacture of tobacco-pipes of great variety, among the most interesting being the Catlinite pipes of the Sioux of Minnesota, &c. Soapstone served some of the Eskimo to make lamps and some Indian tribes for other purposes. Pottery appears to have been unknown in certain regions, but flourished remarkably in the Mississippi valley and the Pueblos region of the south-west, where specialization in form and decoration occurred, and ceramic objects of all sorts were manufactured in abundance. The pottery of the Iroquoian and Algonkian tribes of the north-east was, as a rule, rather crude and undeveloped. In many places the relation of ceramic art to basketry is in evidence. Basketry, of which Professor O. T. Mason has recently made a detailed study in his Aboriginal American Basketry (Washington and New York, 1902, 1904), and related arts were carried on (especially by women) with great variety of form, decoration, material, &c., over a large portion of the continent. In North America basketry is " the primitive art," and here " the Indian women have left the best witness of what they could do in handiwork and expression." The most exquisite and artistic basketry in the world comes from an utterly uncivilized tribe in California. The relation of basketry to symbolism and religion is best observable among the Hopi or Moqui of Arizona. The appreciation of white men for the products of Indian skill and genius in basketry finds full expression in G. W. James's Indian Basketry (1900). Weaving is exemplified in the goat's hair blanket of the Chilkat Indians (Koluschan) of Alaska, and similar products; also in the manufactures of buffalo-hair, &c., of the Indians of the Great Plains and Mississippi valley and the textile art of a higher type known to the Pueblos tribes and by some of them taught to the Navaho. Famous are the " Navaho blankets," less so the " Chilkat." Feather-work and the utilization of bird-skins and feathers for dresses, hats, ornaments, &c., are known from many parts of the continent. In the Arctic regions bird-skins with the feathers on were used to make dresses; the Algonkian tribes of Virginia, &c., had their bird-skin " blankets " and " turkey robes "; the tribes of the North Pacific coast used feathers for decorative purposes of many kinds, as did Indians in other regions also; feather head-dresses and ornaments were much in use among the Plains tribes, &c.; with the Pueblos Indians eagle and turkey feathers were important in ritual and ceremony; some of the tribes of the south-east made fans of turkey feathers. Beads made from various sorts of shell, rolled copper (" mound-builders," &c.), seeds, ivory (Eskimo) and the teeth of various animals are pre-Columbian, like the turquoise-beads of the Pueblos, and they were put to a great variety of uses. Wampum was manufactured by many Algonkian and Iroquoian tribes, who also later produced fine specimens of work with the glass beads introduced by the whites. These glass beads made their way over most of the continent, soon driving out in many sections the older art in shell, &c. European-made wampum-beads affected native art in the 17th century. In the regions where the porcupine abounded its quills were used for purposes of ornamentation on articles of dress, objects of bark, &c., some of the Algonkian and Iroquoian tribes producing beautiful work of this sort. Besides face and body painting, employed for various purposes and widespread over the continent, particularly in ceremonial observances, during war-time, in courting, mourning, &c., painting found expression among the North American aborigines most fully in the products of the wood art of the Indians of the North Pacific coast (masks, utensils, houses, totem-poles, furniture, &c.), in the more or less ceremonial and symbolic paintings on skins, tipicovers and the like of some of the Plains tribes (e.g. Kiowa, Sioux) and in ceramic art, notably in the remarkable polychrome pottery of the Pueblos tribes. Among several Pueblos tribes of Arizona and New Mexico (also the Navaho and Apache and of a ruder sort among some of the Plains tribes, e.g. Cheyenne, Arapaho, Black-feet) ` dry-painting," most highly developed in the sacred ceremonies of the Navaho, is practised and is evidently of great antiquity. The pictures of deities, natural phenomena, animals and plants are made of powdered sandstone of various colours, &c. Pictography among the aborigines north of Mexico varied from the rude petroglyphs of some of the Shoshonian tribes to the incised work on ivory, &c., of the Eskimo and the paintings on buffalo and other animal skins by some of the Plains tribes, the work of the Pueblos Indians, &c., the nearest approach to hieroglyphics in North America outside of Mexico. Some Indian tribes (e.g. the Kootenay) seem not at all given to pictography, while many others have practised it to an almost limitless extent. The pictography and picture-writing of the North American Indians have been the subject of two detailed monographs by Mallery (4th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 1882-1883, pp. 3-256; loth Rep., 1888-1889, pp. 1-1290), and the graphic art of the Eskimo has received special treatment by Hoffman (Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus., 1895). Some have argued that this ivory pictography of the Eskimo is of recent origin and due practically to the introduction of iron by the whites, but Boas thinks such a theory refuted by the resemblance of the Eskimo graphic art in question to the birch-bark art of the neighbouring Indian tribes. No real " hieroglyphs," much less any system of writing of an alphabetic nature, have been discovered north of Mexico; the alleged specimens of such, turning up from time to time, are frauds of one sort or another. The music and song of the American Indians north of Mexico have been studied since the time of Baker (Uber die Musik der Nordanterikanischen Wilden, Leipzig, 1882) by Boas, Fillmore, Curtis, Fletcher, Stumpf, Cringan (Ann. Arch. Rep. Ont.,1902, 1905), &c. According to Miss Fletcher (Indian Story and Song, 1900; also Publ. Peab. Mus., 1893), "among the Indians music envelops like an atmosphere every religious tribal and social ceremony, as well as every personal experience," and " there is not a phase of life that does not find expression in song " ; music, too, is " the medium through which man holds communion with his soul and with the unseen powers which control his destiny." Music, in fact, " is coextensive with tribal life," and " every public ceremony as well as each important act in the career of an individual has Its accompaniment of song." Moreover, " The music of each ceremony has its peculiar rhythm, so also have the classes of songs which pertain to individual acts: fasting and prayer, setting of traps, hunting, courtship, playing of games, facing and defying death." In structure the Indian song " follows the outline of the form which obtains in our own music," and " the compass of songs varies from I to 3 octaves." Among some of the tribes with highly developed ceremonial observances " men and women, having clear resonant voices and good musical intonation, compose the choirs which lead the singing in ceremonies and are paid for the services." A peculiar development of music among the Eskimo is seen in the "nith-songs," by which controversies are settled, the parties to the dispute " singing at " each other till the public laughter, &c., proclaim one the victor. Among the American Indians songs belonging to individuals, societies, clans, &c., are met with, which have to be purchased by others from the owners, and even slight mistakes in the rendition of singing, dancing, &c., are heavily penalized. Musical contests were also known (e.g. among the Indians of the Pacific coast). The development of the " tribal song " among the Iroquoian peoples is seen in Hale's Iroquois Book of Rites (1881). Songs having no words, but merely changeless vocables, are common. As Dr Boas has pointed out, the genius of the American Indian has been devoted more to the production of songs than to the invention of musical instruments. The musical instruments known to the aborigines north of Mexico, before contact with the whites, according to Miss Fletcher (Handb. of Amer. Inds., 1907, pt.i. p. 960), were drums of great variety in size and form, from the plank or box of some of the tribes of the North Pacific coast to the shaman's drums of the Algonkian and Iroquoian peoples; whistles of bone, wood, pottery, &c. (often employed in ceremonies to imitate the voices of birds,animals and spirits) ; flageolet or flute (widely distributed and used by young men in courtship among the Siouan tribes) ; the musical bow (found among the Maidu of California and important in religion and sorcery). Rattles of gourd, skin, shell, wood, &c., are universal, and among some of the tribes of the south-west " notched sticks are rasped together or on gourds, bones or baskets to accentuate rhythm." From the rattle in the Pueblos region developed a sort of ball of clay or metal. So far as is known, the primitive culture of the aborigines of North America is fundamentally indigenous, being the re-actions of the Indian to his environment, added to culture whatever rude equipment of body and of mind was of Indians possessed by the human beings who at some remote essentially epoch reached the new world from the old, if, indigenindeed, America was not, as Ameghino, on the basis ous. of the discoveries of fossil anthropoids and fossil man in southern South America, maintains, the scene of origin of man himself. Professor A.H. Keane (Internat. Monthly, vol. v., 1902, pp. 338-357), Stewart Culin (Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. vol. Iii., 1903, pp. 495-500) and Dr Richard Andree (Stzgsb. d. anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1906, pp. 87-98) all agree as to the general autochthony of aboriginal American culture. The day of the argument for borrowing on the ground of mere resemblances in beliefs, institutions, implements, inventions, &c., is past. An admirable instance of the results of exact scientific research in this respect is to be found in Dr Franz Boas's discussion (Proc. U.S. Nat. Mus., 19o8, pp. 321-344) of the needle-cases of the Alaskan Eskimo, which were at first supposed to be of foreign (Polynesian) origin. Other examples occur in Mr Culin's study of American Indian games, where, for the first time, the relation of certain of them in their origin and development, and sometimes also in their degeneration and decay, is made clear. The independent origin in America of many things which other races have again and again invented and re-invented in other parts of the world must now be conceded. The extreme north-western region of North America has recently been shown to be of great importance to the ethnologists. The investigations in this part of America and among the more or less primitive peoples of north-eastern Asia, carried on by the Jesup North Pacific expedition in 1897-1902, have resulted in showing that within what may be called the " Bering Sea culture-area " transmissions of culture have taken place from north-eastern Siberia to north-western America and vice versa. The only known example, however, of the migration of any people one way or the other is the case of the Asiatic Eskimo, who are undoubtedly of American origin, and it seems probable, in the language of Dr Boas, the organizer of the Jesup expedition and the editor of its publications, that " the Chukchee, Koryak, Kamchadal and Yukaghir must be classed with the American race rather than with the Asiatic race," and possibly also some of the other isolated Siberian tribes; also that, " in a broad classification of languages, the languages of north-eastern Siberia should be classed with the languages of America " (Proc. Intern. Congr. Amer., New York, 1902, pp. 91-102). It appears, further, that the arrival of the Eskimo on the Pacific coast (this, although not recent, is comparatively late) from their home in the interior, near or east of the Mackenzie, " interrupted at an early period the communication between the Siberian and Indian tribes, which left its trace in many cultural traits common to the peoples on both sides of the Bering Sea." This establishment of the essential unity of the culture-type (language, mythology, certain arts, customs, beliefs, &c.) of the Palaeo-Asiatic " peoples of north-eastern Siberia and that of the American Indians of the North Pacific coast, as demonstrated especially by the investigations of Jochelson, Bogoras, &c., is one of the most notable results of recent organized ethnological research. No such clear proof has been afforded of the theory of Polynesian influence farther south on the Pacific coast of America, believed in, more or less, by certain ethnologists (Ratzel, Mason, &c.). This theory rests largely upon resemblances in arts (clubs, masks and the like in particular), tattooing, mythic motifs, &c. But several things here involved, if not really American in origin, are so recent that they may perhaps be accounted for by such Hawaiian and other Polynesian contact as resulted from the establishment of the whale and seal-fisheries in the 18th century. Between the Indians of North America and those of South America few instances of contact and intercommunication, or even of transference of material products and ideas, have been substantiated. It is by way of the Antilles and the Bahamas that such contact as actually occurred took place. In 1894 (Amer. Anthrop. vol. Vii. p. 71-79) Professor W. H. Holmes pointed out traces of Caribbean influences in the ceramic art of the Florida-Georgia region belonging to the period just before the Columbian discovery. The decorative designs in question, paddle-stamp patterns, &c., akin to the motives on the wooden and stone stools from the Carib-bean areas in the West Indies, have been found as far north as 36 in North Carolina and as far west as 84 in Tennessee and 89 in south-eastern Alabama. But the evidence does not prove the existence of Carib colonies at any time in any part of this region, but simply the migration from the West Indies to the North American coast of certain art features adopted by the Indians of the Tinulquan and Muskogian Indians and (later) in part by the Cherokee. More recently (1907) Dr F. G. Speck, in a discussion of the aboriginal culture of the south-eastern states (Amer. Anthrop. vol. ix., n.s., pp. 287-295), cites as proof of Antillean or Caribbean influence in addition to that indicated by Holmes, the following: employment of the blow-gun in hunting, use of hammock as baby-cradle, peculiar storage-scaffold in one corner of house, plastering houses with clay, poisoning fish with vegetable juices. It is possible also that the North American coast may have been visited from time to time by small bodies of natives from the West Indies in search of the mythic fountain of youth (Bimini), the position of which had shifted from the Bahamas to Florida in its movement
In the lower Mississippi valley the culture of certain peoples has been thought to contain elements (e.g. the temples and other religious institutions of the Natchez) suggestive of Mexica:: or Central American origin, either by inheritance from a common ancient source or by later borrowings. When one reaches the Pueblos region, with its present and its extinct " village culture," there is considerable evidence of contact and inter-influence, if not perhaps of common origin, of culture-factors. Dr J. Walter Fewkes, a chief authority on the ethnic history of Arizona, New Mexico and the outlying areas of " Pueblos culture," especially in its ceremonial aspects, has expressed the opinion (Amer. Anthrop. vol. vii. p. 51) that " it is not improbable that both Mexican and Pueblos cultures originated in a region in northern Mexico, developing as environment permitted in its northern and southern homes." Unfavourable milieu in the north prevented the culture of the Pueblos Indians and the Cliff-dwellers, their ancestors, reaching the height attained in Mexico and Central America, represented by temple-architecture, ornamentation of buildings, hieroglyphs, &c. Strong evidence of Pueblos-Mexican relationship Dr Fewkes sees (Prot. Wash. Acad. Sci., 1900) in the great serpent cult of Tusayan, the " New Fire " and other Pueblos ceremonials of importance; also in the mosaic objects (gorgets, ear-pendants, breast-ornaments, &c.) from Pueblos ruins in Arizona, some of the workmanship of which equals that of similar character in old Mexico. The arid region of the south-western United States and part of northern Mexico may well have been a centre for the dispersion of such primitive. institutions and ideas as reached their acme in the country of the Aztecs. But of the Pueblos languages, the Moqui or Hopi of north-eastern Arizona is the only one showing undoubted, though not intimate, relationship with the Nahuatl of ancient Mexico. The Shoshonian family, rep-resented in the United States by the Shoshonees, Utes, Comanchesand other tribes, besides the Moqui, includes also the numerous Sonoran tribes of north-western Mexico, as well as the Nahuatl-speaking peoples farther south, some of the outliers having wandered even to Costa Rica (and perhaps to Panama). This linguistic unity of the civilized Aztecs with the rude Utes and Shoshones of the north is one of the most interesting ethnological facts in primitive America. Change of environment may have had much to do with this higher development in the south. Besides the Shoshonian, the Coahuiltecan and the Athabaskan are or have been represented in northern Mexico, the last by the Apaches and Tobosos. From the period of the Spanish colonization of New Mexico down to about the last quarter of the 19th century (and sporadically later, e.g. the attack in 1900 on the Mormon settlement in Chihuahua), these Indians have hovered around the Mexican border, &c., their predatory expeditions extending at one time as far south as Jalisco. In the far west the Yuman family of languages belongs on both sides of the border. In the popular mind the religion of the North American Indian consists practically of belief in the " Great Spirit " and the " Happy Hunting Grounds." But while some tribes, e.g. of the Iroquoian and Caddoan stocks Revgioe, appear to have come reasonably near a pantheistic $cMy, thology, a conception tending toward monism and monotheism, not a little of present Indian beliefs as to the " Great Spirit," " God " and " Devil," " Good Spirit " and " Evil Spirit," &c., as well as concerning moral distinctions in the hereafter, can reasonably be considered the result of missionary and other influences coming directly or indirectly from the whites. The central idea in the religion and mythology of the aborigines north of Mexico is what Hewitt (Amer. Anthrop., 1902) has pro-posed to term orenda, from " the Iroquois name of the fictive force, principle or magic power which was assumed by the inchoate reasoning of primitive man to be inherent in every body and being of nature and in every personified attribute, property or activity belonging to each of these and conceived to be the active cause or force or dynamic energy involved in every operation or phenomenon of nature, in any manner affecting or controlling the welfare of man." The orendas of the innumerable beings and objects, real and imagined, in the universe differed immensely in action, function, power, &c., and in like manner varied were the efforts of man by prayers, offerings and sacrifices, ceremonies and rites of a propitiatory or sympathetic nature to influence for his own welfare the possessor of this or that orenda, from the " high gods " to the least of all beings. Corresponding to the Iroquoian orenda is the wakanda of the Siouan tribes, some aspects of which have been admirably treated by Miss Fletcher in her " Notes on Certain Beliefs concerning Will Power among the Siouan Tribes " (Science, vol. v., n.s., 1897). Other parallels of orenda are Algonkian manito, Shoshonian pokunt, Athabaskan ccen. As Hewitt points out, these Indian terms are not to be simply translated into English by such expressions as " mystery," " magic," " immortal," " sorcery," " wonderful" &c. Man, indeed, " may sometimes possess weapons whose orenda is superior to that possessed by some of the primal beings of his cosmology." The main topics of the mythology of the American Indians north of Mexico have been treated by Powell in his " Sketch of the Mythology of the North American Indians " (First Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethuol., 1879-188o), and Brinton in his American Hero Myths (1876), Myths of the New World (1896) and Religions of Primitive Peoples (lgoo). Widespread is the idea of a culture-hero or demi-god (sometimes one of twins or even quadruplets) who is born of a human'virgin, often by divine secret fecundation, and, growing up, frees the earth from monsters and evil beings, or re-fashions it in various ways, improves the breed and perfects the institutions of mankind, then retires to watch over the world from some remote resting-place, or, angered.at the wickedness of men and women, leaves them, promising to return at some future time. He often figures in the great deluge legend as the friend, helper and regenerator of the human race. A typical example of these culture-heroes is the Algonkian character who appears as Nanabozho among the Ojibwa, Wisaketchak among the Cree, Napiw among the Blackfeet, Wisaka among the Sacs and Foxes, Glooscap (Kuloskap) among the Micmac, &c. (see Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1891, and Handbook of Amer. Inds., 1907), whose brother is sometimes represented as being after death the ruler of the spirit world. The Iroquoian correspondent of Nanabozho is Tehoronhiawakhon; the Siouan, in many respects, Ictinike. Among many tribes of the North Pacific coast region the culture-hero appears as the " transformer," demi-god, human or animal in form (coyote, blue-jay, raven, &c.), the last often being tricksters and dupers of mankind and the rest of creation as well. This trickster and buffoon (also liar) element appears also in the Iroquoian and Algonkian culture-heroes and has received special treatment by Brinton (Essays of an Americanist, 1890). On the whole, the Algonkian and Iroquoian culture-hero is mainly actuated by altruistic motives, while the "transformer " of the Indians of the North Pacific coast region is often credited with producing or shaping the world, mankind and their activities as they now exist for purely egotistic purposes. Other noteworthy heroes," reformers," &c., among the North American Indians are the subject of legends, like the Iroquoian " Good Mind and Bad Mind," the Algonkian (Musquaki) " Hot Hand and Cold Hand," the Zuiiian " Right Hand and Left Hand "; and numerous others, including such conceptions as the antagonism and opposition of land and water (dry and wet), summer and winter, day and night, food and famine, giants and pigmies, &c. In the matter of the personification of natural phenomena, &c., there is considerable variation, even among tribes of approximately the same state of culture. Thus, e.g. as Hewitt notes (Handbook of Amer. Inds., 1907, pt. i. p. 970), while with the Iroquoian and eastern Algonkian tribes " the Thunder people, human in form and mind and usually four in number, are most important and staunch friends of man"; in the region of the Great Lakes and westward " this conception is replaced by that of the Thunder bird." The Pawnee Indians of the Caddoan stock seem both individually and tribally to possess a deep religious sense expressing itself alike in moods of the person and in ceremonies of a general popular character. This is evident, alike from Miss Fletcher's description (Amer. Anthrop., 1899, pp. 83-85) of a venerable priest of that tribe, Tahiroossawichi, and from her detailed account of " The Hako: A Pawnee Ceremony " (Twenty-second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 1900-1901, pp. 5-372). This Hako ceremony, the original stimulus for which was probably desire for offspring, and then to ensure friendship and peace between groups of persons belonging to different clans, gentes or tribes, had no fixed or stated time and " was not connected with planting or harvesting, hunting or war or any tribal festival," although the Indians take up the Hako, with its long series of observances and its hundred songs, " in the spring when the birds are mating, or in the summer when the birds are nesting and caring for their young, or in the fall when the birds are flocking, but not in the winter when all things are asleep; with the Hako we are praying for the gift of life, of strength, of plenty and of peace, so we must pray when life is stirring everywhere,"these are the words of the Indian hieragogue. In the arid region of the south-western United States there has grown up, especially among the Moqui, as may be read in the numerous monographs of Dr J. Walter Fewkes (and briefly in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1905), a system of religious ceremonials and sympathetic magic, the object of which is to ensure the necessary rainfall and through this the continued life and prosperity of the people. Here everything is conceived as really or symbolically related to sun, water, rain. The Moqui are essentially a religious people, and their mythology, in which the central figures are the " earth mother " and the " sky father," has been described as " a polytheism largely tinged with ancestor- worship and permeated with fetishism." Part of their exceedingly intricate, complex and elaborate ritual is the so-called " snake dance," which has been written of by Bourke (The Snake Dance of the Moguls, 1884), Fewkes and others.In the Gulf region east of the Mississippi, " sun worship ," with primitive " temples," appears among some of the tribes with certain curious myths, beliefs, ceremonies, &c. The Natchez, e.g. according to Dr Swanton (Amer. Anthrop., 1907), were noteworthy on account of " their highly developed monarchical government and their possession of a national religion centring about a temple, which reminds one in many ways of the temples of Mexico and Central America." They seem to have had ari extreme form of sun-worship and a highly developed ritual." A simpler form of sun-worship is found among the Kootenay of British Columbia (Rep. Brit. Assoc., 1889, 1892). With the Yuchi occur some Algonkianlike myths of the deluge, &c.The best data as to the religion and mythology of the Iroquoiantribes are to be found in the writings of Hewitt, especially in his monograph on " Iroquoian Cosmology " (Twenty-first Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 1899-1900, pp. 127-339). In the creation-myths several instances of European influence are pointed out. Mother-earth and her life are the source, by transformation and evolution, of all things. The first beings of Iroquoian mythology (daylight, earthquake, winter, medicine, wind, life, flower, &c.) " were not beasts, but belonged to a rather vague class of which man was the characteristic type,"later come beast-gods. According to Hewitt the Iroquoian term rendered in English " god " signifies really " disposer, controller," for to these Indians " god " and " controller " are synonymous; and so " the reputed controller of the operations of nature received worship and prayers." Creation-legends in great variety exist among the North American aborigines, from simple fiat actions of single characters to complicated transformations accomplished with the aid of other beings. The specific creation legend often follows that of the deluge. Perhaps the most remarkable of all North American creation stories is that of the Zuni as recorded by Cushing (Thirteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 18911892) in his " Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths." Here the principal figure is " Awonawilona, the maker and container of all," and the growth-substance the " fogs of in-crease," which he evolved by his thinking in the pristine night. The long tale of the origin of the sun, the earth and the sky, and the taking form of " the seed of men and all creatures " in the lowest of the four caves or wombs of the world and their long journey to light and real life on the present earth is a wonderful story of evolution as conceived by the primitive mind, an aboriginal epic, in fact. In the mythology and religion of the Algonkian tribes (particularly the Chippewa, &c.) is expressed " a firm belief in a cosmic mystery present throughout all nature, called manitou." This manitou " was identified with both animate and inanimate objects, and the impulse was strong to enter into personal relation with the mystic power; it was easy for an Ojibwa to associate the manitou with all forms of transcendent agencies, some of which assumed definite characters and played the role of deities " (Jones). There were innumerable manitous of high or low degree. The highest development of this conception was in Kitchi Manitou (Great Manitou), but whether this personification has not been considerably influenced by teachings of the whites is a question. The chief figure in the mythology of the Chippewa and related tribes is Nanabozho, who " while yet a youth became the creator of the world and everything it contained; the author of all the great institutions in Ojibwa society and the founder of the leading ceremonies " (Jones, Ann. Arch. Rep. Ontario, 1905; Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1902, &c.). It is to this character that some of the most human of all Indian myths are attached, e.g. the Micmac legend of the origin of the crowing of babies and the story of Nanabozho's attempt to stick his toe into his mouth after the manner of a little child. Nanabozho is also the central figure in the typical deluge legend of the Algonkian peoples of the Great Lakes (Journ. of American Folk-Lore, 1891), which, in some versions, is the most remarkable myth of its kind north of Mexico. The best and most authoritative discussion of the religions and mythological ideas of the Eskimo is to be found in the article of Dr Franz Boas on "The Folk-Lore of the Eskimo " (Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1904, pp. 1-13). The characteristic feature of Eskimo folk-lore is the hero-tales, treating of visits to fabulous tribes, en-counters with monsters, quarrels and " wars," shamanism, witch-craft, &c., and generally of " the events occurring in human society as it exists now," the supernatural playing a more or less important role, but the mass of folk-lore being " thoroughly human in character." In Eskimo myths there appears to be " a complete absence of the idea that transformations or creations were made for the benefit of man during a mythological period, and that these events changed the general aspect of the world," quite in contrast with the conceptions of many Indian tribes, particularly in the region of the North Pacific, where the " transformer " (sometimes trickster also), demi-god, human or animal (coyote, raven, blue-jay, &c.), plays so important a part, as may be seen from the legends recorded in Dr Boas's Indianische Sagen der nord-pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895) and other more recent monographs. In Eskimo folk-lore the field o` animal tales is quite limited, and Dr Boas is of opinion that the genuine animal myth " was originally foreign to Eskimo folk-lore," and has been borrowed from the Indians. Perhaps the most prominent character in Eskimo mythology is Sedna, the old woman, who is mistress of the lower world beneath the ocean (Amer. Anthrop., 1900). The highest being conceived of by the Athabaskans of Canada was, according to Morice (Ann. Arch. Rep. Ontario, 1905, p. 204), " a real entity, which they feared rather than loved or worshipped." The way of communicating with the unseen was through ` personal totems," revealed usually in dreams. The Hupa, an Athabaskan people of California, are reported by Goddard as possessing a deep religious sense. But the most remarkable mythology of any Athabaskan tribe is that of the Navaho, which has been studied in detail under some of its chief aspects by Dr Washington Matthews in his valuable monographs, Navaho Legends (1897) and The Night Chant (1902). According to Dr Matthews, the Navaho " are a highly religious people having mane well-defined divinities (nature gods, animal gods and local gods), a vast mythic and legendary lore and thousands of significant formulated songs and prayers, which must be learned and repeated in the most exact manner; they have also hundreds of musical compositions; the so-called dances are ceremonies which last for nine nights and parts of ten days, and the medicine-men spend many years of study in learning to conduct a single one properly." The most prominent and revered of the deities of the Navaho is Estsanatlehi, the" woman who rejuvenates herself," of whom it is believed that she grows old, and then, at will, becomes young again. The numerous Indian tribes subjected to the environment of the Gre.t Plains have developed in great detail some special religious observances, ceremonial institutions, secret societies, ritual observances, &c. The mental life of these Indians was profoundly influenced by the buffalo and later not a little by the horse. Various aspects of Plains culture have recently been discussed by Goddard, Kroeber, Wissler, Dorsey, Fletcher, Boas, &c., from whose investigations it would appear that much intertribal borrowing has taken place. Among some of the Algonkian (Arapaho, Blackfeet, Cheyenne, &c.), Siouan (Ponka, e.g.) Caddoan, Shoshonian, Kiowan and perhaps Kitunahan stocks the " sun-dance " in some form or other prevailed at one time or another. According to Wissler (Amer. Anthrop., 1908, p. 205), this ceremony, as now practised by many tribes, " is the result of a gradual accumulation both of ceremonies and ideas,"the torture feature, e.g., " seems to have been a separate institution among the Missouri river tribes, later incorporated in their sun-dance and eventually passed on to other tribes." Some other complicated ceremonials have apparently grown up in like manner. As ceremonies that are quite modern, having been introduced during the historical period, Dr Wissler instances " the Ghost dance, Omaha dance, Woman's dance,Tea dance and Mescal eating," of which all, except the Ghost dance, "flourish in almost all parts of the area under various names, but with the same essential features and songs." Other interesting ceremonies of varying degrees of importance and extent of distribution are those of " the medicine-pipe, buffalo-medicine, sweat-lodge, puberty-rites, medicine-tipis, war-charms, &c." Interesting also are the " medicine bundles," or " arks " as they were once mistakenly called. The " Ghost dance," the ceremonial religious dance of most notoriety to-day, " originated among the Paviotso (its prophet was a young Paiute medicine man, Wovoka or ` Jack Wilson) in Nevada about 1888, and spread rapidly among other tribes until it numbered among its adherents nearly all the Indians of the interior basin, from Missouri river to or beyond the Rockies " (Mooney). Wovoka's doctrine was that a new dispensation was at hand, and that " the Indians would be restored to their inheritance and united with their departed friends, and they must prepare for the event by practising the songs and dance ceremonies which the prophet gave them." East of the Rocky Mountains this dance soon came to be known as the " Ghost dance" and a common feature was hypnotic trances. The Sioux outbreak of 1890-1891 was in part due to the excitement of the " Ghost dance." According to Mooney, " in the Crow dance of the Cheyenne and Arapaho, a later development from the Ghost dance proper, the drum is used, and many of the ordinary tribal dances have incorporated Ghost dance features, including even the hypnotic trances." The doctrine generally " has now faded out and the dance exists only as a social function." A full account of this " dance," its chief propagators, the modi operandi of its ceremonies and their transference, and the results of its prevalence among so many Indian tribes, is given in Mooney's detailed monograph on " The Ghost Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890 " (Fourteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 1892-1893). In reference to " Messiah doctrines " among the aborigines of North America, Mooney calls attention to the fact that "within the United States every great tribal movement
The Californian area, remarkable in respect to language and culture in general presents also some curious religious and mythological phenomena. According to Kroeber, " the mythology of the Californians was characterized by unusually well-developed and consistent creation-myths, and by the complete lack not only of migration but of ancestor traditions." The ceremonies of the Californian Indians " were numerous and elaborate as compared with the prevailing simplicity of life, but they lacked almost totally the rigid ritualism and extensive symbolism that pervade the ceremonies of most America." The most authoritative discussions of the religion and mythology of the Californian Indians are thoseof Dr Dixon and Dr Kroeber, the latter especially in the University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology for 1904-1907. The shamans, "medicine-men," &c., of the American Indians are of all degrees from the self-constituted angekok of the Eskimo to those among tribes of higher culture who are chosen from a special family or after undergoing elaborate preliminaries of selection and initiation. The " medicine-men " of several tribes have been described with considerable detail. This has been done for the " Midewiwin, or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa "by Hoffman (Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol. pp. 143-300); for the " Medicine-men of the Apache " by Bourke (Ninth Ann. Rep. pp. 443-603) and for those of the Cherokee by Mooney (Seventh Ann. Rep. pp. 301-397), while a number of the chief facts concerning American Indian shamans in general have been gathered in a recent article by Dr R. B. Dixon (Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 1908, pp. 1-12). In various parts of the continent and among diverse tribes the shaman exercises functions as " healer, sorcerer, seer, priest and educator." These functions among the tribes of lower culture are generally exercised by one and the same individual, but, with rise in civilization, the healer-sorcerer and shaman-sorcerer disappear or wane in power and influence as the true priest develops. The priestly character of the shaman appears among the Plains tribes in connexion with the custody of the " sacred bundles " and the keeping of the ceremonial myths, &c., but is more marked among the Pueblos, Navaho, &c., of the south-west, while " a considerable development of the priestly function may also be seen among the Muskogi, particularly in the case of the Natchez, with their remarkable cult and so-called temple." The reverent character of the best " priests " or shamans among the Pawnee and Omaha has been emphasized by Miss A. C. Fletcher and Francis la Flesche. The class-organization of the shamans reaches its acme in the mide societies of the Chippewa and the priest-societies of the Pueblos Indians (Moqui, Zuni, &c.). The games of the American aborigines north of Mexico have been made the subject of a detailed monograph by Culin, " Games of the North American Indians " (Twenty- Games fourth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 1902-1903, pp. 1-846), in which are treated the games of chance, games of dexterity and minor amusements of more than 200 tribes belonging to 34 different linguistic stocks. According to Culin, " games of pure skill and calculation, such as chess, are entirely absent." There are more variations in the materials employed than in the object or methods of play and in general the variations do not follow differences in language. The type known as " dice game " is reported here from among 130 tribes belonging to 30 stocks; the " hand-game " from 81 tribes belonging to 28 stocks. The centre of distribution of North American Indian games, which, with the exception of a few post-Columbian additions, are all autochthonous, Culin finds in the south-west " there appears to be a progressive change from what appears to be the oldest forms of existing games from a centre in the south-western United States, along lines north, north-east and east." 'Similar changes radiating southward from the same centre are likewise suggested. He is of opinion that, outside of children's games as such and the kinds of minor amusements common in all civilizations, the games of the North American Indians, as they now exist, " are either instruments of rites or have descended from ceremonial observances of a religious character," and that " while their common and secular object appears to be purely a manifestation of the desire for amusement or gain, they are performed also as religious ceremonies, as rites pleasing to the gods to secure their favour, or as processes of sympathetic magic, to drive away sickness, avert other evil, or produce rain and the fertilization and re-production of plants and animals or other beneficial results." He also believes that these games, " in what appears to be their oldest and most primitive manifestations are almost exclusively divinatory." This theory of the origin of games in divination, which receives considerable support from certain facts in primitive America, needs, however, further proof. So, too, with Mr Culin's further conclusion that " behind both ceremonies and games there existed some widespread myth from which both derived their impulse," that myth being the one which discloses the primal gamblers as those curious children, the divine Twins, the miraculous offspring of the sun, who are the principal personages in many Indian mythologies." These eternal con-tenders " are the original patrons of play, and their games are the games now played by men." It was formerly thought that " totemism " and real " gentile organization " prevailed over all of North America. But it Social now appears that in several sections of the country orraniza- such beliefs and institutions were unknown, and that Lion, even within the limits of one and the same stock one customs, tribe did, while another did not, possess them. Matri- archal ideas and the corresponding tribal institutions were also once regarded as the primal social condition of all Indian tribes, having been afterwards in many cases replaced by patriarchal ideas and institutions. Since the appearance of Morgan's famous monograph on Ancient Society (New York, 1878) and his Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity in the Human Family (Washington, 1871), the labours of American ethnologists have added much to our knowledge of the sociology of the American Indians. Forms of society among these Indians vary from the absolute democracy of the Athabaskan Ten'a of Alaska, among whom, according to Jette (Congr. int. d. Amer., Quebec, 1886), there exist "no chiefs, guides or masters," and public opinion dominates (" every one commands and all obey, if they see fit "), to the complicated systems of some of the tribes of the North Pacific coast regions, with threefold divisions of chiefs, " nobles," and " common people " (some-times also, in addition, slaves), secret and " totemic " organizations, religious societies, sexual institutions (" men's houses," &c.), and other like divisions; and beyond this to the development along political and larger social lines of alliances and con-federations of tribes (often speaking entirely different languages) which have played an important role in the diffusion of primitive culture, such as the Powhatan confederacy of Virginia and the Abnaki confederacy of the North Atlantic region; the confederacy of the Chippewa, Ottawa and Potawatomi of the Great Lakes; the Huron confederacy of Ontario; the Dakota alliance of the north-west; the Blackfoot confederacy of the Canadian north-west; the Caddoan confederacy of the Arkansas region; the Creek confederacy of the South Atlantic country. The acme of federation was reached in the great "League of the Iroquois," whose further development and expansion were prevented by the coming of the Europeans and their conquest of primitive North America. According to Morgan (League of the Iroquois, New York, 1851) and Hale (Iroquois Book of Rites, 1881), who have written about this remarkable attempt, by federation of all tribes, to put an end to war and usher in the reign of universal peace, its formation under the inspiring genius of Hiawatha took place about 1459. But J. N. B. Hewitt, himself an Iroquois, offers reasons (Amer. Anthrop., 1892) for believing that the correct date of its founding lies between 1559 and 1570. Age, wealth, ability, generosity, the favour of the shaman, &c., were qualifications for the chieftainship in various parts of the continent. Women generally seem to have had little or no direct voice in government, except that they could (even among some of the Athabaskan tribes) sometimes become chiefs, and, among the Iroquois, were represented in councils, had certain powers and prerogatives (including a sort of veto on war), &c. Many tribes had permanent peace-chiefs and temporary war-chiefs. According to Hewitt (Handb. of Amer. Inds., 1907, pt. i. p. 264), " In the Creek confederation and that of the Iroquois, the most complex aboriginal government north of Mexico, there was, in fact, no head chief. The first chief of the Onondaga federal roll acted as the chairman of the federal council, and by virtue of his office he called the federal council together. With this all pre-eminence over the other chiefs ended, for the governing power of the confederation was lodged in the federal council. The federal council was composed of the federal chiefs of the several component tribes; the tribal council consisted of the federal chiefs and sub-chiefs of the tribe." The greatest development of the power of the chief and his tenure of office by heredity seems to have occurred among the Natchez and certain other tribes of the lower Mississippi and Gulf region. Among the Plains tribes, in general, non-inheritance prevailed, and " any ambitious and courageous warrior could apparently, in strict accordance with custom, make himself a chief by the acquisition of suitable property and through his own force of character " (Hewitt). Among the North American aborigines the position of woman and her privileges and duties varied greatly from the usually narrow limits prescribed by the Athabaskans, according to Morice (Congr. int. d. Amer., Quebec, 1906), to the socially high status reached among some of the Iroquoian tribes in particular. In the North Pacific coast region the possession of slaves is said to have been a cause of a relatively higher position of woman there than obtained among neighbouring tribes. The custom of adoption both of children and captives also resulted advantageously to woman. The role and accomplishments of woman in primitive North America are treated with some detail in Mason's Woman's Share in Primitive Culture (1894). The form of the family and the nature of marriage varied considerably among the North American aborigines, as also did the ceremonies of courtship and the proceedings in divorce, &c. With some tribes apparently real purchase of brides occurred, but in many cases the seeming purchase turns out to be merely " a ratification of the marriage by means of gifts." Great differences in these matters are found within the limits of one and the same stock (e.g. Siouan). Female descent, e.g., prevailed among the Algonkian tribes of the south-east but not among those of the north and west; and the case of the Creeks (Muskogian) shows that female descent is not necessarily the concomitant of a high social status of woman. Among the Zuni, where the man is adopted as a son by the father of his wife, " she is thus mistress of the situation; the children are hers, and she can order the husband from the house should occasion arise " (Lowie and Farrand). With many tribes, however, the husband could divorce his wife at will, but Farrand and Lowie in their discussion of Indian marriage (Handb. of Amer. Inds., 1907, pt. i. p. 809) report on the other hand the curious fact that among the Wintun of California " men seldom expel their wives, but slink away from home, leaving their families behind." In the case of divorce, the children generally go with the mother. From a survey of the available data Lowie and Farrand conclude that " monogamy is thus found to be the prevalent form of marriage throughout the continent," varied from to polygamy, where wealth and other circumstances dictated it. In California, e.g., polygamy is rare, while with some of the Plains tribes it was quite common. Here again differences of note occurred within the same stock, e.g. the Iroquois proper could not have more than one wife, but the Huron Indian could. The family itself varied from the grouts of parents and children to the larger ones dictated by social regulations among the eastern tribes with clan organizations, and the large " families " found by Swanton (Amer. Anthrop., 1905) among certain tribes of the North Pacific coast, where relations and " poor relations," servants and slaves entered to swell the aggregate. Exogamy was widely prevalent and incest rare. Cousin-marriages were frequently tabooed. With many of the North American aborigines the giving of the name, its transference from one individual to another, its change by the individual in recognition of great events, achievements, &c., and other aspects of nominology are of significance in connexion with social life and religious ceremonies, rites and superstitions. The high level attained by some tribes in these matters can be seen from Miss Fletcher's description of " A Pawnee Ritual used when changing a Man's Name " (Amer. Anthrop., 1899). Names marked epochs in life and changed with new achievements, and they had often " so personal and sacred a meaning," that they were naturally enough rendered " unfit for the familiar purposes of ordinary address, to a people so reverently inclined as the Indians seem to have been." The period of puberty in boys and girls was often the occasion of elaborate " initiation " ceremonies and rites of various kinds, some of which were of a very trying and even cruel character. Ceremonial or symbolic " killings," " new-births," &c., were also in vogue; likewise ordeals of whipping, isolation and solitary confinement, " medicine "-taking, physical torture, ritual bathings, Tribes like the Kootenay (Rep. Brit. Assoc., 1892) have no totems and secret societies, nor do they seem to have ever possessed them. This may also be said of some of the Salishan tribes, though others of the same stock have complicated systems. The Klamath Indians (Lutuamian stock) " are absolutely ignorant of the gentile or clan system as prevalent among the Haida, Tlingit and Eastern Indians of North America ; matriarchate is also unknown among them; every one is free to marry within or without the tribe, and the children inherit from the father " (Gatschet). In all parts of California indeed, according to Kroeber (Handbook of Amer. Inds., 1907, pt. i. p. 191), " both totemism and a true gentile organization were totally lacking." Nor does it appear that either personal or communal totemism is a necessary attribute of clan and gentile organizations where such do exist. The Heiltsuk of British Columbia have animal totems, while the Kwakiutl do not, although both these tribes belong to the same Wakashan stock. Among the Iroquoian tribes, according to Hewitt (Handbook, p. 303), the primary unit of social and political organization, termed in Mohawk ohwachira, is " the family, comprising all the male and female progeny of a woman and of all her female descendants in the female line and of such other persons as may be adopted into the ohwachira." The head of the ohwachira is " usually the oldest woman in it," and it " never bears the name of a tutelary or other deity." The clan was composed of one or more of such ohwachiras, being " developed apparently through the coalescence of two or more ohwachiras having a common abode." From the clan or gens developed the government of the tribe, and out of that the Iroquois confederation. The power of the chief varied greatly among the North American aborigines, as well as the manner of his selection. Among the Eskimo, chiefs properly understood hardly have existed; nearly everywhere the power of all sorts of chiefs (both war and peace) was limited and modified by the restraints of councils and other advisers. painting of face or body, scarification and the like. The initiations, ordeals, &c., gone through by the youth as a prelude to manhood and womanhood resembled in many respects those imposed upon individuals aspiring to be chiefs, shamans and " medicine-men." Many facts concerning these rites and ceremonies will be found in G. Stanley Hall
From the Indians of North America the white man has borrowed not only hosts of geographical names and many common terms of speech, but countless ideas and Contact oaces. methods as to food, medicines, clothes and other items in the conduct of life. Even to-day, as G.W. James points out in his interesting little volume, What the White Race may learn from the Indian (Chicago, 1908), the end of the instruction of the " lower " race by the " higher " is not yet. The presence of the Indians and the existence of a " frontier " receding ever westward as the tide of immigration increased and the line of settlements advanced, have, as Prof. Turner has shown (Ann. Rep. Amer. Hist. Assoc., 1893), conditioned to a certain extent the development of civilization in North America. Had there been no aborigines here, the white race might have swarmed quickly over the whole continent, and the " typical " American would now be much different from what he is. The fact that the Indians were here in sufficient numbers to resist a too rapid advance on the part of the European settlers made necessary the numerous frontiers (really " successive Americas "), which began with Quebec, Virginia and Massachusetts and ended with California, Oregon, British Columbia, Yukon and Alaska. The Indians again are no exception to the rule that one of the fundamentally important contributions of a primitive people to the culture-factors in the life of the race dispossessing them consists of the trails and camping-places, water-ways and trade-routes which they have known and used from time immemorial. The great importance of these trails and sites of Indian camps and villages for subsequent European development in North America has been emphasized by Prof. F. J. Turner (Proc. Wisconsin State Histor. Soc., 1889 and 1894) and A. B. Hulbert (Historic Highways of America, New York, 1902-1905). It was over these old trails and through these water-ways that missionary, soldier, adventurer, trader, trapper, hunter, explorer and settler followed the Indian, with guides or without. The road followed the trail, and the railway the road. The fur trade and traffic with the Indians in general were not without influence upon the social and political conditions of the European colonies. In the region beyond the Alleghanies the free hunter and the single trapper flourished; in the great north-west the fur companies. In the Mackenzie region and the Yukon country the " free hunter " is still to be met with, and he is, in some cases, practically the only representative of his race with whom some of the Indian tribes come into con-tact. J. M. Bell (Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, xvi., 1903, 74), from personal observation, notes " the advance of the barbarous border civilization,---the civilization of the whaler on Hudson's Bay, of the free trader on the Athabasca Lake and river, of the ranchers and placer miners on the Peace and other mountain rivers," and observes further (p. 84) that " the influx of fur-traders into the Mackenzie River region, and even to Great Bear Lake within the last two years, since my return, has, I believe, very much altered the character of the Northern Indians." In many parts of North America the free trapper and solitary hunter were often factors in the extermination of the Indian, while the great fur companies were not infrequently powerfulagents in preserving him, since their aims of exploiting vast areas in a material way were best aided by alliance or even amalgamation. The early French fur companies, the Hudson's Bay Company, the North-West Company, the American Fur Company, the Missouri Fur Company, the Russian-American Company, the Alaska Commercial Company, &c., long stood with the Indians for the culture of the white man. For two centuries, indeed, the Hudson's Bay Company was ruler of a large portion of what is now the Dominion of Canada, and its trading-posts still dot the Indian country in the far north-west. The mingling of races in the region beyond the Great Lakes is largely due to the fact that the trading and fur companies brought thither employes and dependants, of French, Scottish and English stock, who intermarried more or less readily with the native population, thus producing the mixed-blood element which has played an important role in the development of the American north-west. The fur trade was a valuable source of revenue for the early colonists. During the colonial period furs were sometimes even legal tender, like the wampum or shell-money of the eastern Indians, which, according to Mr Weeden (Econ. Hist. of New England), the necessities of commerce made the European colonists of the 17th century adopt as a substitute for currency of the Old World sort. In their contact with the Indians the Europeans of the New World had many lessons in diplomacy and statecraft. Alliances entered upon chiefly for commercial reasons led sometimes to important national events. The adhesion of the Algonkian tribes so largely to the French, and of the Iroquoian peoples as extensively to the English, practically settled which was ultimately to win in the struggle for supremacy in North America. If we believe Lewis H. Morgan, " the Iroquois alliance with the English forms the chief fact in American history down to 1763." The whites in their turn have influenced greatly the culture, institutions and ideas of the American aborigines. The early influence of the Scandinavians in Greenland has had its importance exaggerated by Dr Tylor (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1879). French influence in Canada and Acadia began early and was very marked, affecting the languages (several Algonkian dialects have numerous loan-words, as have the Iroquois tongues still spoken in Quebec) and the customs of the Indians. French authorities, missionaries and traders seemed to get into more sympathetic relations with the Indians, and the intermarriage of the races met with practically no opposition. Hence the French influence upon many tribes can be traced from the Atlantic past the Great Lakes and over the Plains to the Rocky Mountains and even beyond, where the trappers, voyageurs, coureurs des bois and missionaries of French extraction have made their contribution to the modern tales and legends of the Canadian north-west and British Columbia. In one of the tales of the North Pacific coast appears Shishe Tie (i.e. Jesus Christ), and in another from the eastern slope of the Rockies Mani (i.e. Mary). Another area of French influence occurs in Louisiana, &c. The English, as a rule, paid much less attention than did the French to the languages, manners and customs and institutions of the aborigines and were in general less given to inter-marriage with them (the classical example of Rolfe and Pocahontas notwithstanding), and less sympathetically minded towards them, although willing enough, as the numerous early educational foundations indicate, to improve them in both mind and body. The supremacy of the English-speaking people in North America made theirs the controlling influence upon the aborigines in all parts of the country, in the Pacific coast region to-day .as formerly in the eastern United States, where house-building, clothing and ornament, furniture, weapons and implements have been modified or replaced. Beside the Atlantic, the Micmac of Nova Scotia now has its English loan-words, while among the Salishan tribes of British Columbia English is " very seriously affecting the purity of the native spech " (Hill-Tout), and even the Athabaskan Nahane are adding English words to their vocabulary (Morice). The English influence on tribal government and land-tenure, culminating in the incorporation of so many of the aborigines as citizens of Canada and the United States, began in 1641. a trusted Dutch manager of Rensselaerwyck (cf. the Iroquois name The first royal grants both in New England and farther south made no mention of the native population of the country, and the early proprietors and settlers were largely left to their own devices in dealing with them, the policy of extinguishing their titles to land being adopted as needed. Later on, of course, due recognition was had of the fact that certain parts of America were inhabited by " heathen," " savages," &c., and the chiefs of many of the tribes were looked upon as rulers with prerogatives of princes and royal personages (e.g. the " Emperor " Powhatan and the " Princess " Pocahontas, " King " Philip, the " Emperor " of the Creeks, &c.). The method of dealing with the Indian " tribes " by the Federal government as autonomous groups through treaties, &c., lasted till 1871, when, by act of Congress, " simple agreements " were favoured in lieu of solemn treaties." Meanwhile no consistent purpose was shown in dealing with the Indian problem. At one time the American policy was to concentrate all the Indians on three great reservations, an expansion of the plan adopted early in the 19th century which set aside the former " Indian country" (afterwards restricted to the Indian Territory). The sentiment in regard to great reservations, however, gradually weakened, till in 1878 it was proposed to concentrate the Indians on smaller reservations; but the entire reservation system became increasingly unpopular, and finally in 1887 Congress enacted the Land Severalty Law, paving the way for abolition of the reservation and agency system; at the same time it emphasized the government policy of gradually (the reservation system was a preliminary step in the way of bringing the Indians more under government control) bringing about the cessation of all " tribes " as independent communities and securing their ultimate entrance upon citizenship with the white population. This certainly was far removed from the declaration of the Virginia Assembly in 1702 that " no Indian could hold office, be a capable witness, or hunt over patented land "; and at this time also, " an Indian child was classed as a mulatto, and Indians, like slaves, were liable to be taken. on execution for the payment of debt." As Miss Fletcher (Handb. of Amer. Inds., 1907, pt. i. p. 501) notes, the ordinance of Congress passed in 1787 respecting the duty of the United States to the Indian tribes, which was confirmed by the act of 1789, was reaffirmed in the organizing acts of Alabama, Colorado, Dakota, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, Oregon, Wisconsin and Wyoming. The Land Severalty Law of 1887 (amended 189o) provided for the survey of reservations and the allotment to each person of a tract ranging from 40 to 16o acres, the remainder being sold to white settlers. The process of dividing the Indian lands into individual allotments and disposing of the remainder for the benefit of the tribe or the nation has been very successful in many cases. This policy has culminated in a recent decision of the United States Supreme Court, by virtue of which all Indians living upon their own allotments were declared to be citizens, on the same terms and subject to the same laws as the whites. During the period 1609-1664, from the visit of Hudson to the surrender of New Amsterdam to the English, the Dutch exercised not a little influence upon the aborigines of the present state of New York and some of the regions adjoining. Hudson's harsh treatment of the natives caused the Dutch trouble later on. Through their trading-post of Fort Orange (now Albany) they carne into contact with both Iroquoian and Algonkian tribes, carrying on an extensive trade in furs with some of them, including the New England Pequots. They sided with the Iroquois against the northern Algonkian tribes, but also aided the Mohegans against the Mohawks. Farther south they helped the Senecas against the Munsees. Their quarrels with the English involved many of the Indian tribes on one side or the other. They have been generally condemned for their readiness to furnish the Indians with firearms and intoxicating liquors, though some of these actions were doubtless per-formed by individual traders and settlers only and cannot be charged to a deliberate policy of the government. The modern title of Kara, given by the Canadian Iroquois to the governor-general (also to the king of England), is a corruption of Corlaer, the name of for the French governor, Onontio = Montmagny). German influence among the American Indians north of Mexico has made itself felt among the Eskimo (particularly in Labrador), the Delawares and Mohegans, the Iroquois and the Cherokee, where the Moravian missionaries did much good work. They influenced the Indians for peace and good conduct during the great wars. In Labrador the dress, habitations and beliefs of the Eskimo have been considerably modified. It is said by some that Sequoyah, the inventor of the " Cherokee alphabet," had for father a German settler. The great influence of the Spaniards upon the American Indians has been treated by Blackmar in his Spanish Institutions in the South-west, and by Lummis, Bourke, Hodge and other authorities. The results of Spanish contact and control are seen in the loan-words in the various languages of the region, the consequences of the introduction of domestic animals (horse, mule, sheep, goat, fowls), the perfection of the arts involved in the utilization of wool, the planting of wheat, the cultivation of peaches and other exotic fruits. The difference between the Navaho and their close kinsmen the Apache may be largely attributed to changes wrought by the coming of the Spaniards. The " Mission Indians " of California represent another great point of contact. In California thousands and thousands of Indians were converted and brought under the control of the able and devoted missionaries of the Catholic Church, only to become more or less utterly helpless when Spanish domination ceased and the missions fell into decay. Traces of Spanish influence may be found as far north as the Saskatchewan, where personal names implying origin from a Mexican captive occur; and there is not a little Spanish blood in some of the tribes of the Great Plains, who often took with them from their border raids, of acquired from other tribes, many white prisoners from Mexico, &c. In Alaska the influence of Russian sailors, traders and settlers during the period of occupancy was considerable, as was also that of the priests and missionaries of the Greek Church, but much of what was thus imposed upon the aborigines has now been modified or is being submerged by the more recent influences of the English-speaking settlers, miners, &c., and the efforts of the American government to educate and improve them. The influence of the Russians extended even to California, as the name " Russian River " would indicate, and Friederici (Schiffahrt der Indianer, 1907, p. 46) even thinks that to them is due the sporadic occurrence in that region of skin-boats. It was through the Russians that the Alaskan Eskimo received tobacco. Some Russian words have crept into certain of the Indian languages. It has been said that the Russian authorities from time to time transported a few Indians over-sea to Kamchatka, &c. The general question of the relations of the Europeans in North America with the Indians has been treated by various authors, one of the most recent being Friederici, whose Indianer and Amerikaner (Brunswick, 1900) is perhaps a little too prejudiced. The contact between the races in North America has had its darker side, seen in the numerous conflicts and " wars " that have marked the conquest of the continent by the whites and the resistance of the weaker Indian people wars. to the inevitable triumph of the stronger. The following sketch of the warlike relations of various Indian stocks with the European colonists and their descendants brings out the principal facts of historic interest. Eskimoan.The history of warfare between the European colonists (and their descendants) and the North American aborigines begins with the conflict of Eskimo and Northmen in Greenland, the last phase of which, in the first half of the 15th century, ended in the destruction of the European settlements and the loss of knowledge of the Eskimo to the Old World till they were rediscovered by Frobisher in 1576 and Davis in 1585. Then came a new series of small conflicts in which the whites have been the chief aggressorswhalers, sealers and other adventurers. In the extreme north-west the Aleuts were very harshly treated by the Russians, and one of the most recent deeds of brutality has been the reported extermination, by irresponsible whalers, of the Eskimo of Southampton Island in Hudson's Bay. Algonkian and Iroquoian.Southward, along the Atlantic coast, the period of actual settlement by the whites in large numbers was, preceded by numerous conflicts with the Algonkian Indians in which all too often the whites (adventurers, fishermen, &c.) were principally at fault, the natives being sometimes carried off as slaves to Spain and elsewhere in Europe. When Champlain, very shortly after the founding of Quebec, decided to help his Algonkian neighbours against their Iroquoian enemies, an alliance was entered upon which had much to do with the final defeat of France in North America. The battle fought and won by Champlain near Ticonderoga in 1609 made the Iroquois the lasting antagonists of the French, and, since the former held a large portion of what is now the state of New York, the latter were effectually prevented from annihilating or destroying the English colonies to the south. The Iroquois alliance with the English in New York was preceded by one with the Dutch. Another result of the feud
In New England the most notable conflicts were " the Pequot war " of 16371638 and " King Philip's war " of 16751676, the latter resulting in the overthrow of a powerful confederacy, which at one time threatened the very existence of the colony, and the practical extermination of the Indians concerned, after great havoc had been wrought by them in the white settlements. New England also suffered much from Indian " wars " instigated by the French, and at Caughnawaga and other Iroquois settlements in French Canada there is much white blood resulting from the adoption of captives taken away (e.g. at Marlboro and Deerfield, Mass., in 17031704) in raids on New England villages. Celebrated in the annals of war are the Algonkian chiefs Tecumseh (Shawnee), who aided the British in the war of 1812, and Pontiac (Ottawa), whose remarkable conspiracy of 1763 has been studied by Parkman; of noted Iroquoian chiefs and warriors may be mentioned Joseph Brant, who fought for the British in the War of Independence, and Logan, ill-famed for his barbarities perpetrated against the border settlements on the Ohio, 17751780, &c. In Virginia the future of the English colony was not absolutely assured much before 162o. From the founding of Jamestown in 1607 until about 1616 the colony was in more or less danger of extinction by starvation or destruction at the hands of the Indians. The most famous and romantic of the Indian wars of Virginia was that in which Captain John Smith was concerned in the days of Powhatan and Opechancanough, when his rescue by Pocahontas is said to have taken place. Under Opechancanough massacres of the English settlers took place in 1622 and 1644 in particular, while intermittent hostilities continued between these dates, many hundreds of whites being slain by the Powhatan Indians and their confederates of Algonkian stock. As a result of wars with the English and also with other Indian tribes, many of the Algonkian peoples of Virginia, like some of the Iroquoian peoples farther south, were by the end of the 17th century greatly reduced in numbers. In the Carolinian region the Iroquoian Cherokee warred against the English colonists from 1759 until the War of Independence, and continued their struggle then against the Americans until 1794. After their forcible removal west of the Mississippi in 18381839 no serious hostilities occurred, with the exception of a conflict between the whites and a portion of the Cherokee, who had earlier moved into eastern Texas while that state was under the Mexican regime. The Tuscarora were in frequent conflict with the English, particularly in the " Tuscarora war " of 171314. Of Algonkian tribes farther west the Cheyenne began conflicts with the whites about 184o, made their first incursion into Mexico in 1853, and between 186o and 1878-1879, according to Mooney, " they were prominent in border warfare . . . and have probably lost more in conflict with the whites than any other tribe of the plains in proportion to their number." They participated in the " Sitting Bull war " of 1876. The Chippewa of the north-western United States in the latterhalf of the 18th century and till the close of the war of 1812 kept up warfare with the border settlements, but have been generally peaceful since 1815, when a treaty was made. The only serious outbreak among the Cree, who have been generally friendly to the whites from the period of first contact, occurred during the Riel " rebellion " of 1885, but was soon settled. In the latter part of the 18th century (up to the treaty of Greenville, 1795) the Delawares took a prominent part in opposing the advance of the whites. The Kickapoos were concerned in the Indian plot to destroy the fort at Detroit in 1712, and a hundred years later they aided the English against the Americans; in 1832 numbers of them helped Black Hawk in his war against the whites. The Micmac were long hostile to the English, being prominent as aids to the French in the New England wars, and it was not until about 1779 or long after the French cession that conflicts between these Indians and the whites came to an end. The Mississaguas fought with the Iroquois against the French about 1750, having soon become friendly with the English and remaining so. The Ottawa were prominent in the wars of the region about Detroit from 1750 till 1815. Pontiac, whose " conspiracy " of 1763 is noted in American history, was an Ottawa chief. The Penobscot, as friends of the French, continued their attacks on the English settlements till about 1750. The Sacs and Foxes appear early in the 18th century as antagonists of the French (a rare thing among Algonkian peoples) and they were the instigators of the nearly successful attack on Detroit in 1712. In the war of 1812 most of these Indians sided with the British. Black Hawk, the chief figure in the " war " of 18311832, was a Sac and Fox chief, who endeavoured to engage all the Indian tribes of the region in a general alliance against the whites. The Shawnees were prominent in the border warfare of the Ohio region, and their famous chief Tecumseh fought for the British in the war of 1812. Athabaskan.The Athabaskan tribes of the far north, with the exception of occasional disputes with the traders and settlers, have generally been of a peaceful disposition, and " wars " with the whites have not been recorded to any extent. The warlike members of this stock have been the Apache and the Navaho. The Apache from the middle of the 16th century have given evidence of their instinct for raids and depredations on the frontiers of civilization. In recent times the most noteworthy outbreaks were those under Cochise, Victorio, Geronimo, Nana, Nakaidoklini, &c., between 187o and 1886, in which several hundred whites in Mexico and New Mexico were killed and much property destroyed. As late as 1900 some of the hostile Apaches, who had escaped to the mountains, made a raid on the Mormon settlers in Chihuahua, Mexico. The Navaho, when New Mexico passed into the possession of the United States in 1849, had long been in the habit of committing depredations upon the white settlements and the Pueblos. These " wars " continued till 1863, when " Kit " Carson completely defeated them and the greater part of the tribe were made prisoners. Since their release in 1867 they have thriven in peace, although occasionally serious trouble has threatened, as, e.g., in November 1905. Caddoan.The Caddo proper were friendly to the French and helped them against the Spaniards in the wars of the 18th century. After the annexation of Texas the Indians were badly treated and some of them made answer in kind; in 1855 a massacre of the Indians was proposed by the whites. Since their forced march to Oklahoma in 1859 they have been at peace. The Arikara had a brief conflict with the United States authorities in 1823, as a result of the killing of some traders. In the wars of the 18th century the Kichai adhered to the cause of the French. The Pawnee seem never to have warred |
