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MIDRASH , a very common term in Jewish writings for " exposition " and a certain class of expository literature. The word also occurs twice in the Old Testament (2 Chron. xiii. 22, xxiv. 27; R.V. rather poorly " commentary "). 1. Introduction.The term (Heb. midrash from Barash "to search out, enquire ") denotes some explanation or exposition, which, in contrast to the more literal exegesis (technically called peshat " simple "), endeavours to reach the spirit lying below the text. It may be defined as a didactic or homiletic development of some thought or theme, characterized by a more subjective, imaginative and ampliative treatment. Jewish Midrash falls broadly into two classes: Halaka (q.v.) or Halaka (walking, way, conduct) and Haggadah (narrative [with a purpose], homily; Aramaic equivalent Aggadah; the incorrect form Agadah rests upon a mistaken etymology). The former dealt with legal and ritual matters; it flourished in the schools and developed into the most subtle casuistry. The latter covered all non-halakic exposition and was essentially popular. It embraced historical and other traditions; stories, legends, parables and allegories; beliefs, customs and all that may be called folk-lore. It fed itself, not upon the laws, but upon the narrative, the prophetical and the poetical writings of the Old Testament, and it had a more spiritual and ethical tone than the Halaka. In both classes, accepted traditions (written or oral) was reinterpreted in order to justify or to deduce new teaching (in its widest sense), to connect the present with a hallowed past, and to be a guide for the future; and the prevalence of this process, the innumerable different examples of its working, and the particular application of the term Midrash to an important section of Rabbinical literature complicates both the study of the subject and any attempt to treat it concisely.' Apart from the popular paraphrastic translations of the Old Testament (see TARGUM), the great mass of orthodox Rabbinical literature consists of (I) the independent Midrashim, and (2) the Mishna which, with its supplement the Gemara, constitutes the Talmud. Both contain Halaka and Haggada, although the Mishna itself is essentially Halaka, and the Midrashim are more especially Haggadic; and consequently further information bearing upon Midrash must be sought in the art. TALMUD. These two articles ' For a careful study of the meaning of the term, see W. Bacher, Jew. Quart. Rev. IV. 406-429. 420 handle one of the most famous bodies of ancient literature, which, in its turn, has given rise to innumerable Jewish and non-Jewish works, and has many points of value and interest
2. Narrative Midrash.Of the three different kinds of historical writingthe genetic or scientific, the purely narrative and the pragmaticit is the last which, has prevailed among religious historians. It is extremely difficult to avoid the subjective element in dealing with matters of fact, and the religious treatment of history is influenced, however unconsciously, by the mental environment of the writers. In giving greater prominence to events of religious importance and to their bearing upon the spiritual needs of contemporaries they view and interpret the past in a particular light, and will see in the past those growths which only in their own time have become mature. A latent significance is found, a particular connexion is traced, and a continuity is established, the true nature of which must be tested by critical students. Now, it is subjective history which we find in the earliest references to Midrash. The Midrash of the prophet Iddo (2 Chron. xiii. 22) like the Visions and the Histories of Idde and Shemaiah (ix. 29, xii. 15) which are quoted for the lives of Solomon, Abijah and Jeroboam, are evidently quite distinct from the sources cited in the parallel portions of the earlier compilation, and the entire spirit of the narratives is different. Similarly, there is a conspicuous difference of treatment of the life of Joash in 2 Kings xi. seq., compared with 2 Chron. xxiii. seq., which refers to some Midrash of the Book of the Kings (xxiv. 27). Although it is uncertain whether this comprehensive Midrash also included the " books of the Kings " (xvi. r x, xxvii. 7, &c.), and the Midrash of Iddo and other related works, it is clear that the Book of Chronicles (q.v.) marks a very noteworthy advance upon the records in the (canonical) Book of Kings (q.v.). It is now recognized that the compiler of the former has used many novel narratives of a particular edifying and didactic stamp, and scholars are practically unanimous that these are subsequent to the age of the Israelite monarchy and present a picture of historical and religious conditions which (to judge from earlier sources) is untrustworthy. At the same time various details (as comparison with the Book of Kings shows) are relatively old and, on a priori grounds, it is extremely unlikely that the unhistorical elements are necessarily due to deliberate imagination or perversion rather than to the development of earlier traditions. The religious significance of the past is dominant, and the past is idealized from a later standpoint; and whether the narratives in Chronicles are expressly styled Midrash or not, they are the fruit of an age which sought to inculcate explicitly those lessons which, it conceived, were implied in the events of the past. The value of the book lay not in history for its own sake, but in its direct application to present needs. But the tendency to reshape history for the edification of later generations was no novelty when Chronicles was first compiled (about 4th cent. B.C.), Pragmatic historiography is exemplified in the earliest continuous sources (viz. of the " Deuteronomic " writers, i.e. allied to Deut., especially the secondary portions); and there are many relatively early narratives in which the details have been modified, and the heroes of the past are the mouthpiece for the thought of a later writer or of his age. Numerous instructive examples of the active tendency to develop tradition may be observed in the relation-ship between Genesis and the " Book of Jubilees," or in the embellishments of Old Testament history in the Antiquities of Josephus, or in the widening gaps in the diverse traditions of the famous figures of the Old Testament (Adam, Noah, Enoch, Abraham, Moses, Isaiah, Ezra, &c.), as they appear in non-canonical writings. In such cases as these one can readily perceive the different forms which the same material elements have assumed, and one may distinguish the unreliable accretions which are clearly later and secondary. Accordingly, whenthere are narratives which cannot be tested in this manner, should they show all the internal marks of didactic expansion and date from an age much later than the times with which they deal, their immediate value will not necessarily lie in the details which appear to be of historical interest
For Old Testament " Midrash " see further K. Budde, Zeitschr. f. alt-test. Wissenschaft, xii. 37, seq., and commentaries on Chronicles (Q.v.). The elaborate study by the Jewish scholar Zunz (Die gottesdsenstlichen Vortrage, ch. viii.) is also valuable for bridging the gulf between the canonical and the non-canonical traditions and for its just attitude to the criticism of historical traditions. The rigid line between fact or fiction in religious literature, which readers often wish to draw, cannot be consistently justified, and in studying old Oriental religious narratives it is necessary to realize that the teaching was regarded as more essential than the method of presenting it. Midrash " which may be quite useless for historical investigation maybe appreciated for the light it throws upon forms of thought. Historical criticism does not touch the reality of the ideas, and since they may be as worthy of study as the apparent facts they clothe, they thus indirectly contribute to the history of their period. In any case, while the true historical kernel of the Midrashic narrative (e.g. dealing with Adam, Moses or Isaiah) will always be a matter of dispute, the teaching to which it is applied stands on an independent footing as also does the application of that teaching to other ages. 3. Continuity of Literature and Material.Amid obscure vicissitudes in the 7th to 5th centuries, B.C., the Canonical books of the Old Testament gradually began to assume their present shape (see PALESTINE: History). The internal peculiarities show that the compilations are the much edited remains of a larger body of literature, and it may reasonably be supposed that the older sources did not at once perish. There is literary critical evidence for late insertions by exilic or later compilers;' the compiler of Chronicles apparently refers to accessible works; and there is a close material relationship between the Old Testament and later literature. All this suggests that Old Hebrew writings, apart from those preserved in the Canon, persisted to a relatively late period. No a priori distinction can be made and no precise chronological line can be drawn
' E.g. Judg. i. (see G. F. Moore, Ency. Bib. " Historical Lit.," col. 2085, middle), 2 Sam. ix.-xx., &c. fixed, and the fluctuations in the MSS. of the Old Testament (which, like the numerous variations in the Septuagint, complicated exact exegesis) gave way to what was virtually a single text. Moreover, the important body of apocalyptical and pseudepigraphical literature, with all its links between Christianity and Judaism, fell into disfavour on both sides. This literature is especially valuable because it illustrates contemporary Halaka and Haggada, and it illuminates the circle of thought with which Jesus and his followers were familiar; it thus fills the gap between the Old Testament and the authoritative Rabbinical Midrashim which, though often in a form several centuries later, not rarely preserve older material?. A few miscellaneous examples of related Midrashic details may be cited : i. The book of Jubilees (a haggadic and halakic Midrash on Genesis, about 2nd century s.C.), contains the story of the war between Amorite Kings and Jacob (ch. xxxiv.). This is known to the probably contemporary Testament of Judah and to much later Midrashim (Mid. Wayyisa'u, Yalqut Shimeoni, also the apocryphal " book of Jashar "), and is evidently connected with the cryptic allusion to the capture of Shechem in Gen. xlviii. 22 (R.V. marg.). Unless we suppose that the latter was suddenly expanded into the stories which thenceforth persisted, it may be inferred that an old extra-canonical tradition (for which a case can be made) continued to survive the compilation of Genesis (q.v.) and ultimately assumed the various exaggerated forms now extant. Naturally the probability of such a traditionthe merest hint of which happens to be preserved in Gen. loc. cit.does not prejudice the problem of its origin or accuracy; in Jub. the story is useless for Jacob's history, and is probably influenced by a recollection of more recent events in the Maccabaean age. ii. A curious account of war between Egypt and Canaan after Joseph's death recurs in Jub. xli., Test. of Simeon, viii., and Benjamin vii., and is connected with details (burial of Jacob's sons at Hebron) recorded by Josephus (Ant. ii. 8). Josephus in turn has another story wherein Moses leads the Egyptians against Ethiopia (Ant. ii. lo, for parallels see Moore, Ency. Bib. col. 2089 seq.), and this is found in the late chronicles of Jerahmeel and the Book of Jashar (cf. also Mid. Dibre ha-yamim shel-Mosheh; see Jew. Ency. viii. 573 seq.). The former may be linked with Gen. 1. 9 (where the con-course of chariots and horsemen would invite speculation), and the latter with the Cushite wife of Moses; but although one may grant that the canonical sources do not by any means preserve all the older current traditions, the contents of the latter cannot be recovered from the later persisting Midrashim.2 iii. The allusion in Jude v. 9 to the contention of the archangel Michael for the body of Moses belongs to a group of traditions which have been collected by R. H. Charles (Assumption of Moses, pp. 105 seq.), and it appears that the incident was familiar to Clement of Alexandria, Origen and other early writers. Moreover, Jude v. 16 agrees very closely with the Latin version of the Testament of Moses, which has other parallels in Matt. xxiv. 29; Acts vii. 36. 38 seq. (ibid. pp. Ixii. seq.). Here may be added Jannes and Jambres, who withstood Moses (2 Tim. iii. 8) ; these or related names were known to the elder Pliny (xxx. i. ii), Apuleius (first half of 2nd century), Origen (who refers to a book of Jannes and Mambres), and various earlier and later Jewish sources; see I. Abrahams, Ency. Bib. col. 2327 seq. ; H. St J. Thackeray, Relation of St Paul to con-temporary Jewish thought (London, 1900), pp. 215 sqq. iv. Jewish traditions of Abraham in Ur of the Chaldees recur in the Targums, Midrashic works, and earlier in the book of Jubilees (ch. xii., ed. Charles, p. 91; cf. also Judith v. 6 seq.). The legends of his escape from a fiery furnace may have a philological basis (ur interpreted as " fire "), but the allusion to the redemption of Abraham in Isa. xxix 22 seems to indicate that older tradition was fuller than the present records in Genesis, and supplies another example of the link connecting the Old Testament with Rabbinical thought. v. Not to multiply examples further, it may suffice to refer to (a) the apparent belief that the serpent tempted Eve to unchastity (2 Cor. xi. 2 seq., see Thackeray pp. 5o seq.) ; (b) the descent of the angels upon earth (Gen. vi. 1 seq.; Jude 6, 14 seq., see Charles, Jub. p. 33 seq., Clermont-Ganneau, Quart. Statements of the Pal. Explor. Fund, 1903, pp. 233 seq. and the Midr. Abkir. see Jew, Ency. viii. 572) ; (c) the relationship between the Midrashic developments of the story of Esther in Josephus, the Greek and Old Latin Versions, the Targums and later Jewish sources (see L. B. Paton, Comm. on Esther, pp. 20, 100 and passim) ; and finally (d) the numerous minor miscellaneous parallels noticed in recent annotated editions of the 1 On the history of his intermediate stage see E. Scharer, Hist. of Jew. People (Edinburgh, 1886), Germ. Gesch. Jiid. Volkes; M. Friedlander, Relig. Bewegungen innerhalb des Judentums im Zeitalter Jesu (Berlin, 1905) ; W. Fairweather, Background of the Gospels (Edinburgh 1908). See also APOCALYPTIC LIT. and APOCRYPHAL LIT. 2 Note also the allusion to the wisdom of Moses in Acts vii. 22, upon which contemporary writings are pretty well informed.pseudepigraphical literature (especially those of R. H. Charles). (See further TALMUD, 5.) 4. Midrashic Exposition.The Talmud poetically describes Midrash as a hammer
Philo
block
3 For the Rabbinical " rules " and examples of their working see F. Weber, Bid. Theologie ( Leipzig
Leipzig
So Aquila, the disciple of Aqaba, translates the accusative particle by ouv; see W. R. Smith, Old Test. in the Jew. Church, p. 63. 1 Oesterley and Box, Religion and Worship of the Synagogue (London, 1907), p. 8o; pp. 44-97 deal with Midrashic and other Jewish literature.e Mish. Sanhed. iv. 5, see A. Geiger, Zeit. f. morgenland. Gesellschaft, 1858, pp. 307 sqq., S. R. Driver, Expositor, ix. (1889), p. 18 seq. 2 The Talmud Mo'ed Qalan, 7a, and New Testament (1 Cor. ix. 9, i Tim. v. 18) respectively. Christian and Rabbinical teaching. Similarly the application of Hos. ii. 23, not to the scattered tribes of Israel , but to the Gentiles, is common to the Mishna and to Romans ix. 25 seq. (Sanday and Headlam, Comment. ad loc.) The Apostle Paul, once a disciple of the famous Rabbi Gamaliel, uses in i Cor. x. 4 (" the spiritual rock that followed them ") a familiar Jewish Haggada which, however, he reinterprets, even as, when he identifies the " rock " with Christ, he diverges from the Alexandrian Philo
Israel , 1892, p. 66). In making allowance for the defects (without which they would probably not have appealed to the age) it must be remembered that some of the Rabbis themselves recognized that the Midrashic Haggada was not always estimable.An interesting example of combined quotation is illustrated in Matt. xii. 4-8, where the teaching of Jesus on the law of the Sabbath rests upon 1 Sam. xxi. 1-6, Num. xxviii. 9 seq. and Hos. vi. 6. Apropos of this law the Rabbinical arguments are worth noticing. Apparently the severe rules laid down in Jubilees 1. 8-12 (see R. H. Charles, ad loc.) were exceptional. It was allowed that the Sabbath need not be too rigorously kept, and this was justified by Exod. xxxi. 13, where the singular use of the restrictive particle ak (EV " verily ") supported the teaching that other Sabbaths need not be observed. Also, from the words " holy unto you " (v. 14) it was taught that " the Sabbath is given to you to desecrate in case of need, but thou art not given to the Sabbath." Hence the Sabbath might be broken when life was in danger. Moreover, it was argued that a battle need not be stopped from religious considerations, e.g. the Sabbath. This was justified by Deut. xx. 20 " until it fall " (Talm. Shabb. 19a). Also, the Passover Lamb could be sacrificed on the Sabbath, and justification for this was found in Num. ix. 2 " in its season" (Pesah. 66a). See further on this subject, and on the evasions of the Sabbath law, S. Shechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 297 sqq.; ibid. in C. G. Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures (for 1892), Appendix; ibid. Hastings' Dict. Bib. v. 63, and also S. R. Driver, Hastings' Dict. iv. 32o seq. With the above interpretations, cf. A. H. McNeile on Matt. xii. 5, John vii. 23: " the a priori element in them perhaps suggests that [these verses] were due to later reflexion on the part of Christians who had realized the inadequacy of the law " (Swete's Camb. Bibl. Essays, 1909, p. 226). For other examples illustrating Rabbinical methods of exegesis in the New Testament, see McNeile, pp. 221, sqq. (" Our Lord's use of the Old Testament ") ; Briggs, op. cit. pp. 436, 1 Cited by S. Schechter, Hastings, Dict. Bible, v. 64. sqq., and Thackeray, op. cit. (ch. vii. " use of the Old Testament," ch. viii. " St Paul the Haggadist "). The latter observes (p. 203) : " the arguments by which Paul tried to convince his opponents of the true meaning of the Old Testament as pointing forward to Christ, are those which they would themselves have employed for another purpose; and to some extent we need not doubt that they were selected for that very reason. They were the arguments which were best calculated to appeal to them." Quite in accordance with Rabbinical custom is the system of question and answer (Rom. x. 5, seq., i6 seq.), and the argument in the sequence: statement, objection and reply, appears already in the book of Malachi (q.v.). 5. The Jewish Midrashim.The earlier stages in the growth of the extant Rabbinical Midrashim cannot be traced with any certainty. Although there are several allusions to early written works, other references manifest an objection to the writing down of Haggada and Halaka. Perhaps it was felt that to preserve uniformity of teaching in the schools it was undesirable to popularize the extant collections, or perhaps the references must be reconsidered in the light of those significant changes after the fall of Jerusalem which have been mentioned above ( 3).2 However this may be, the independent HalakOth (where the oral decisions are interpreted or discussed on the basis of the Old Testament) were gradually collected and arranged according to their subject in the Mishnah and Tosephta (TALMUD, 1), while in the halakic Midrashim (where the decisions are given in connection with the biblical passage from which they were derived) they follow the sequence of the text of the Old Testament. The Haggada was likewise collected according to the textual sequence of the Old Testament. But the sermons or discourses of the homiletic Midrashim are classified according to the reading of the Pentateuch in the Synagogue, either the three year cycle, or else according to the sections of the Pentateuch and Prophetical books assigned to special and ordinary Sabbaths and festival days. Hence the latter are sometimes styled Pesiqta (" section "). The homiletic Midrashim are characterized by (a) a proem, an introduction based upon some biblical text (not from the lesson itself), which led up to (b) the exposition of the lesson, the first verse of which is more fully discussed than the rest. They conclude (c) with Messianic or consolatory passages on the future glory of Israel. A feature of some Midrashim (e.g. nos. 4, 5d, e, and 7 below) is the halakic exordium which precedes the proems.3 Among the more important Midrashim are: i.Mekilta (Aram. " measure," i.e. " rule ") best known as the name of a now imperfect halakic Midrash on Exod. xii.xxiii. 19 (also xxxi. 12-17 and xxxv. 1-3). It represents the school of R. (Rabbi) Ishmael, is a useful source for old Haggadah (especially on the narrative portions of Exodus), and is interesting for its variant readings of the Canonical Massoretic text." Edited by Blasius Ugolinus, Thes. Antig. Sacr. xiv. (Venice, 1744, with a poor Latin translation), more recently by J. H. Weiss (Vienna, 1865) and M. Friedmann (ibid. 1870), Germ. trans. by J. Winter and A. Wiinsche Leipzig, 1909). See further J. Z. Lauterbach, Jew. Ency. viii. 444 seq. ii. Siphra (Aram. the book ") or Torath Kohanam (" the law of the priests "), a commentary on Leviticus, mainly halakic, the text being a source for various maxims. (On Lev. xix. 17 seq., neighbourly love and abstinence from vengeance constitute, according to R. Aqiba, the great principle of the Torah.) It is useful for the interpretation of the Mishnah treatises Qodashim and Teharoth. Latin trans. in Ugolinus, vol. xiv. ; recent editions by I. H. Weiss (Vienna, 1862), and with the commentary of Shimshon (Samson) of Siens (Warsaw, 1866) ; see Jew. Ency. xi. 330 sqq. iii. Siphre (Aram. " the books "), an old composite collection of Halaka on Numbers, after R. Ishmaei's school; and on Deut. after that of R. Aqiqa, although the haggadic portions belong to the former. Latin in Ugol. xv.; recent edition, with good introduction by Friedmann (Vienna, 1864); see Jew. Ency. xi. 332 seq. The above works, although of 5th century or later date in their present form, contain much older material, which was perhaps first redacted in the earlier part.of the 2nd century, A.D. They are of 2 See, on this point, Jew. Ency. viii. 549 seq., 552, 576; Schechter, op. cit. p. 62; St rack, op. cit. pp. to sqq. 3 See more fully Jew. Ency. viii. 553. Cf. for the structure, the hopeful concluding notes in the prophecies (e.g. Amos) and the discourse after the reading of the lesson from the prophets in Luke iv. 17 sqq., Acts xiii. 15 sqq. See I. Abrahams in Swete's Cambridge Bibl. Essays (1909), pp. 174 seq.Palestinian origin, although the main redaction was made in Babylonia.' iv. Tanhuma, one of the oldest on the lessons of the Pentateuch, with many proems ascribed to R. Tanhuma ben (" son of ") Abba, one of the most famous haggadists of Palestine (4th century), who systematized and fixed the haggadic literature. This collection of 158-161 homilies is also known as T. Yelammedenu, from the opening words, Yel. Rabbenu, " our Rabbi teaches us "; on the critical questions connected with the titles and the present redaction (probably 5th century), see Jew. Ency. viii. 56o seq., xii. 44 sqq. Recent edition by Buber (Wi1na, 1885). v. Midrash Rabbah (or Rabboth), a large collection of very diverse origin and date, probably not completed before the 13th century. It covers the Pentateuch (1st ed., Constantinople, 1512) and the " Five Rolls " (Pesaro, 1519; the whole printed first at Venice, 1545) ; Germ. trans. by A. Wiinsche, Bibliotheca rabbinica (Leipzig, 188o-1885). The several portions are named after the ordinary Jewish titles of the Old Testament books with the addition of Rabbah " great." These are (a) Bereshith (" in the beginning," Gen. i. I) Rabbah, on Genesis, the oldest and most valuable of haggadic Midrashim. Traditionally ascribed to R. Hoshaiah (3rd. century), 'but in the main a redaction of 6th century. Ed. J. Theodor; see Jew. Ency. iii. 62 seq. ; viii. 557 seq. (b) Shemoth (" names " Exod. i. 1) R., a composite and incomplete work of 11th and 12th century date, but valuable nevertheless for its Tanhuma homilies. Exod. i.-xi. is a commentary on the text in continuation of (a).' See Jew. Ency. viii. 562 (c.) Wayyigra (" and he called ") R., on Leviticus, perhaps 7th century, based upon sources in 2 and 5a above. It is characterized by its numerous proverbs (e.g. on xix. 6: " do not care for the good pup of a bad dog, much less for the bad pup of a bad dog "). See Jew. Ency. viii. 56o, xii. 478 seq. (d) Bemidbar (" in the desert of . . . ") R., 33 homilies on Numbers, mainly derived from 4 above (though in an earlier text), with a later haggadic exposition, perhaps of 12th century, on Num. i.-vii. See Jew. Ency. i1. 669 sqq., viii. 562. (e) Debarim (" words ") R., independent homilies on Deuteronomy, of about A.D. 900, but with a good collection of Tanhumas and excerpts from the old sources. See Jew. Ency. iv. 487 seq. (f) Shir (" song ") R., or (after the opening words) Aggadath Hazith, a late compilation of haggadah on Canticles, illustrating the allegorical interpretation of the book in reference to the relation between God and Israel (so already in the exegesis of R. Aqiba, cf. also 2 Esd. v. 24, 26, vii. 26). For this and other Mid. on this popular book, see Jew. Ency. viii. 564 seq., xi. 291 seq. (g) Mid. Ruth or Ruth Rabbah, a compilation including an exposition of 1 Chron. iv. 21-23, xi. 13-15 and interesting Messianic references. For this and similar Mid. or Ruth, see Jew. Ency. viii. 565, x. 577 seq. (h) Ekah (" how ") Rabbathi, a compilation of about the 7th century on Lamentations, from sources cited also in the Palestinian Talmud. Thirty-six proems precede the commentary. See Jew. Ency. v. 85 seq. (i) Mid. Koheleth or Koh. Rabbah, on Ecclesiastes; see Jew. Ency. vii. 529 sqq.; viii. 565. (j) Mid. Megillath Esther, dating, to judge from its indebtedness to Josippon (the pseudo-Josephus), after loth century. On this and other similar works dealing with this ever-popular book, see Jew. Ency. v. 241, viii. 566, and Paton's Comment. on Esther, p. 104. vi. Pesigta (" section ") or P. de-Rab Kahana, contains 33 or 34 homilies (on the principal festivals), the first of which opens with a sentence of R. Abba bar Kahana, who was confused with a predecessor, Rab Kahana. Although it goes back to early Haggada it has received later additions (as is shown by the technique of the proems). Edited by S. Buber (Lyck, 1868), Germ. trans. by A. Wiinsche (Leipzig, 1885) ; see Jew. Ency. viii. 559 seq. Not to be confused with this is: vii. Pesigfa Rabbathi.A very similar but larger collection of 51 homilies, of which 28 have a shalakic exordium prefixed to the Tanhuma-proems, perhaps of 9th century. Edited by M. Friedmann (Vienna, 1880). Quite another and later work is the Pes. Zutarta or Legah Tab of Tobiah b. Eliezer of Mainz (trans. Ugolinus, vol. xv. seq. ; ed. Buber, 188o) ; see Jew. Ency. viii. 561 sqq. viii. In addition to the more prominent Midrashim mentioned above there are numerous self-contained works of greater or less interest. Some are connected with Old Testament books; e.g. Aggadath Bereshith, 83 homilies on Genesis, each in three parts connected with a section from the lectionary of the Pentateuch, and one from the Prophets, and a Psalm (ed. Buber, Cracow, 1903; see Jew. Ency. viii. 563) ; the Mid. Tehillim on the Psalms (Germ. trans. A. Wiinsche, Trier, 1892-1893), &c. Others are historical, e.g. Pirqe or Baraitha de-Rabbi Eliezer, a fanciful narrative of events ' They contain (as I. Abrahams has pointed out to the present writer) a good deal of haggada, but far more halakic material than those which follow. The latter (nos. 4 sqq.) also contain halaka, but the chief contents are haggadic and homiletical. 2I. Abrahams points out to the writer that the rest is more summary. This difference is accounted for by the fact that Exod. xii. onwards and the rest of the Pentateuch have independent Midrashim: the Law proper was held by the Rabbis to begin at Exod. xii.selected from the Pentateuch, &c.; the eschatology is interesting. Though associated by name with a well-known 1st century Rabbi, it is hardly earlier than the 8th (Latin trans. by Vorstius, Leiden, 1644; see Jew. Ency. viii. 567). Further, the Megillath Ta'anith (" roll of fasts "), an old source with a collection of miscellaneous legends, &c. ; Megillath Antiokhos, on the martyrdom under Hadrian; Seder'Olam Rabbah, on biblical history from Adam to the rebellion of Bar Kokba (Barcocheba); the " Book of Jashar "; the Chronicle of Jerahmeel," &c. Liturgical Midrash is illustrated by the Haggada shel Pesah, part of the ritual recited at the domestic service of the first two Passover evenings. In Mid. Ta'ame Haseroth we-Yetheroth, Hebrew words written " defectively " or " fully," and other Massoretic details, are haggadically treated. Finally Kabbalah (q.v.) is exemplified in Othiyyoth de R. Aqiba on the alphabet, and M. Tadshe (or Baraitha de-R. Phinehas b. Ya'ir), on groups of numbers, &c.; of some interest for its relation to the book of Jubilees. ix. Of collections of Midrash the chief are (a) the Yalqut Shimeoni, which arranges the material according to the text of the Old Testament (extending over the whole of it), preserves much from sources that have since disappeared, and is valuable for the criticism of the text of the Midrashim (recent ed. Wilna, 1898) translation of the Yalqut on Zechariah by E. G. King ( Cambridge , 1882 ; see further Jew. Ency. xii. 585 seq.). (b) Yal. ha-Makiri, perhaps later, covers only certain books, is useful for older sources and their criticism; portions have been edited by Spira (1894, on Isaiah) ; Buber (1899, on Psalms) ; Griinhut (1902, on Proverbs). (c) Midrash ha-Gadol (" the great "), an extensive thesaurus, but later (quoting from Ibn Ezra, Maimonides, &c.); the arrangement is not so careful as in (a) and (b). See further Jew. Ency. viii. 568 seq.Of modern collections special mention must be made of A. Jellinek's Bet ha-Midrasch (Leipzig, 1853) and A. Wiinsche's valuable translations; to those already mentioned must be added his Aus Israels 'Lehrhallen (excerpts of a more miscellaneous character (Leipzig, 1907 sqq.). Besides dictionary articles on this subject (S. Schiller-Szinessy, Ency. Brit., 9th ed.; H. L. Strack, Real-Ency. f. Protest. Theol. u. Kirche; and especially J. Theodor and others in the Jew. Ency), see D. Hoffmann, Zur Einleitung in die halachischen Midraschim (Berlin, 1888), and the great work by Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrage der Juden, 2nd ed. by N. Briill (Frankfort on Main, 1892). These, as also the citations in the course of this article, give fuller information. (See further TALMUD.) (S. A. C.) End of Article: MIDRASH If you wish, you can link directly to this article.
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