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Encyclopedia Britannica - Main :: I27-INV |
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INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF , in United States history, the act (or document) by which the thirteen original
opinion , and the radicals conceded delay on condition that a committee be meanwhile at work on a declaration " to the effect of the said . . . resolution," to serve as a preamble thereto when adopted. This committee consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert R. Livingston. To Jefferson the committee entrusted the actual preparation of the paper. On the and of July, by a vote of 12 states10 voting unanimously, New York
Delaware
Though the Declaration reads as " In Congress, July 4, 1776. The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America," New York
drawn
were inserted, and verbal improvements made in the interest
terseness and measured statement. The document is full of Jefferson's fervent spirit and personality, and its ideals were those to which his life was consecrated. It is the best known and the noblest of American state papers. Though open to ' " Independence Day " is a holiday in all the states and territories of the United States. 2 As read before the army meanwhile, it was headed " In Congress, July 4, 1776. A Declaration by the representatives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled."controversy on some issues of historical fact, not flawless in logic, necessarily partisan in tone and purpose, it is a justificatory preamble, a party manifesto and appeal, reasoned enough to carry conviction, fervent enough to inspire enthusiasm. It minglesas in all the controversy of the time, but with a literary skill and political address elsewhere unrivalledstale disputation with philosophy. The rights of man lend dignity to the rights of Englishmen, and the broad outlook of a world-wide appeal, and the elevation
Jefferson's political theory was that of Locke, whose words the Declaration echoes. Uncritical critics have repeated John Adams's assertion that its arguments were hackneyed: so they undoubtedly werein Congress, and probably little less so without, but that is certainly pre-eminent among its great merits. As Madison said, " The object was to assert, not to discover truths." Others have echoed Rufus Choate's phrase, that the Declaration is made up of " glittering and sounding 'generalities of natural right." In truth, its long array of " facts .. . submitted to a candid world " had its basis in the whole development of the relations between England and the colonies; every charge had point in a definite reference to historical events, and appealed primarily to men's reason; but the history is to-day forgotten, while the fanciful basis of the " compact " theory does not appeal to a later age. It should be judged, however, by its purpose and success in its own time. The " compact " theory was always primarily a theory of political ethics, a revolutionary theory, and from the early middle ages to the French Revolution it worked with revolutionary power. It held up an ideal. Its ideal of " equality " was not realized in America in 1776nor in England in 1688but no man knew this better than Jefferson. Locke disclaimed for him in 16903 the shallower misunderstandings still daily put upon his words. Both Locke and Jefferson wrote simply of political equality, political freedom. Even within this limitation, the idealistic formulas of both were at variance with the actual conditions of their time. The variance would have been greater had their phrases been applied as humanitarian formulas to industrial and social conditions. The Lockian theory fitted beautifully the question of colonial dependence, and was applied to that by America with inexorable logic; it fitted the question of individual political rights, and was applied to them in 1776, but not in 169o; it did not apply to non-political conditions of individual liberty, a fact realized by many at the timeand it is true that such an application would have been more inconsistent in America in 1776 as regards the negroes than in England in 1690 as regarded freemen. Beyond this, there is no pertinence in the stricture that the Declaration is made up of glittering generalities of natural right. Its influence upon American legal and constitutional development has been profound. Locke, says Leslie Stephen, popularized " a convenient formula for enforcing the responsibility of governors "but his theories were those of an individual philosopherwhile by the Declaration a state, for the first time in history, founded its life on democratic idealism, pronouncing governments to exist for securing the happiness of the people, and to derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. It was a democratic instrument, and the revolution a democratic movement
opinion ; took no great step without an explanatory address to the country; cast its influence with the people in local struggles as far as it could; appealed to them directly over the heads of conservative assemblies; and in general stirred up democracy. The Declaration gave the people recognition equivalent to promises, which, as fast as new governments were instituted, were converted by written constitutions into rights, which have since then steadily extended.3 Two Treatises of Government, No. ii. 54, as to age, abilities, virtue, &c. Down to the end of the 18th century the former title prevailed in England, though not in America; while since then " Congregationalist " has obtained generally in both. (See CONGREGATIONALISM.) End of Article: INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF If you wish, you can link directly to this article.
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